Brookings: Topics - Women and International Affairs

Internally Displaced Women: Record Number, Unresolved Challenges

Megan Bradley — Wed, 29 May 2013 10:00:00 -0400

With crises unfolding in Syria and the Democratic Republic of Congo, and ongoing violence in Somalia, Sudan and Colombia, 2012 saw record-high numbers of people displaced within the borders of their own countries. Half of those displaced are women.

Today in Geneva, Chaloka Beyani, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons and our Project co-director, presented a new report to the Human Rights Council on the rights and wellbeing of women uprooted within their own states. The first of its kind, the report examines progress made to date at the local, national and international levels in responding to the rights and needs of internally displaced women, from the development of important standards and protection frameworks to the creation by internally displaced women themselves of organizations dedicated to advancing their rights and carving out solutions to their predicament. The report also analyzes the many challenges that persist despite these accomplishments – from sexual and gender-based violence and inadequate reproductive health care to economic marginalization and exclusion from peace talks and decision-making processes. Perhaps most importantly, the report points to ways in which governments, UN agencies and other actors can help ensure that internally displaced women can enjoy the full range of rights to which they are entitled. These include the development of comprehensive, gender-sensitive strategies to support durable solutions to displacement, and ensuring that displaced women have access to justice mechanisms to redress any violations of their rights.

At the consultations in Geneva that informed the development of this new report, I was moved by the story shared by Colombian human rights advocates of a colleague who had been attacked and sexually abused as a “warning” against speaking up for the rights of internally displaced women. Undeterred, these women continue their work – a testament to the tenacity of survivors determined to see the day when reports like the one the Special Rapporteur presented in Geneva today are no longer needed.

Authors

Megan Bradley

Image Source: © Khaled Abdullah Ali Al Mahdi / Reuters

Livelihoods, Gender and Displacement in Côte d’Ivoire

Eric Levron — Mon, 29 Apr 2013 00:00:00 -0400

Note: The full version of this paper is available in French with an accompanying English overview.

Internal displacement is not a new phenomenon in Côte d’Ivoire. Conflict and displacement in Côte d’Ivoire are linked to competition for political power, the economic downturn, and a corresponding sharp increase in poverty in a country that had previously enjoyed a comparatively high standard of development.

In many ways, women have borne the brunt of the country’s conflicts and its protracted displacement situation. Displaced women suffered numerous human rights violations, and along with their families have struggled to re-establish sustainable livelihoods – both while displaced, and upon returning to their communities or seeking out another solution to their displacement. The conflict resulted in the destruction of the productive capital of thousands of households, and a marked increase in single-parent families due to the death of many men in the violence. Looting, destruction and land-grabbing have undercut the economic sectors (including subsistence agriculture and petty trade) that typically employ the poorest of the poor, particularly female heads of household. This has undermined the ability of many displaced families to recover from the economic losses associated with their forced migration, and to secure sustainable solutions to their displacement. Inequitable property inheritance practices and heightened risk of sexual and gender-based violence, particularly amongst internally displaced young women, further complicate the efforts of displaced women to make a living.

This research underlines the importance of understanding the gender dimensions of IDP livelihoods, taking into particular account household-level dynamics and the broader socio-economic context within which livelihood interventions are implemented. While many displaced women assume new roles as primary breadwinners for their families, this research suggests that the ability of displaced women to develop relevant adaptation strategies, particularly through the creation of sustainable livelihoods, depends in part on the socio-economic status of their households before the crisis. Without other employed household members, many middle class Ivorian women cut off from their area of origin or from their social networks encountered particular difficulties adapting and re-establishing means of existence – they are the main victims of a conflict-induced drop in social status. Women with access to support structures and who were economically active before the crisis – those aged 30 to 50 years – have been best able to develop and implement strategies to save money and improve their livelihoods.

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Authors

Eric Levron

The Case for Women’s Rights in Post-Uprising Egypt

Mirette F. Mabrouk — Thu, 25 Apr 2013 00:00:00 -0400

When Egyptian women first gained the vote in 1956, a woman in the cabinet swiftly followed. Women likely thought that all would be clear sailing from that point on, but it hasn’t quite worked out that way. Almost 70 years later, only one woman is in the cabinet.

The situation of women in post-uprising Egypt is influenced by an uneasy mix of authoritarian attempts to control a voting bloc, socially ingrained patriarchal attitudes, and a creeping bias cloaked in a religious mantle. While the challenges faced by women are multiple, they may be viewed through the assaults on their political participation and on their basic rights in the constitution and state laws.

A Political Arena, Guaranteed Largely Estrogen-free

The 2006 World Economic Forum’s Global Gender Gap Report noted that Egypt “performed poorly overall (109 out of 134 countries) but was particularly impaired by its ranking on political participation and economic empowerment and opportunity.” Six years later, there has been movement: Egypt has slid another seven places to 126. Egypt performed similarly in regard to women holding cabinet positions, coming in at 95 out of 125 countries. These results are particularly disappointing in view of the hopes raised by the participation of women in the uprising.

When the first post-uprising elections were held, women were in for a surprise. The quota guaranteeing 64 seats in parliament for women--originally introduced by the former ruling party, the National Democratic Party (NDP), and used mainly as a way to swell its parliamentary ranks than fight for gender parity‑‑was cancelled. Despite the efforts of a myriad of women’s groups and the state-run National Council for Human Rights, and despite the fact that 108 countries worldwide exercise a parliamentary quota to ensure a measure of gender parity, women were only guaranteed one place on the party lists. With few exceptions, they were placed at the bottom. Since the candidates from successful party lists were selected in descending order, women on the lists had a paltry chance of making it into parliament.

Read the full article »

Authors

Mirette F. Mabrouk

Publication: Middle East Institute

Image Source: © Reuters Photographer / Reuters

In Disaster Risk Management, A Gender-Sensitive Approach is Smart

Elizabeth Ferris — Sat, 20 Apr 2013 12:00:00 -0400

A gender-sensitive approach to disaster risk management is smart, because women not only are among those most affected by disasters, but they also play significant roles in disaster response and risk reduction. At our event on April 22 (Earth Day), I'll share these and other findings from my annual disasters review with Daniel Petz and Chareen Stark.

Join the conversation on Twitter using #Disasters2012.

Why do we need to consider gender in disaster risk management? Women and girls are typically at greater risk from natural disasters than men—particularly in low-income countries and among the poor—and as a result, a natural disaster can exacerbate existing inequalities and can lead to new forms of discrimination.

At the same time, women play significant roles in all stages of disaster and climate risk management, often at the frontline as responders and by bringing valuable resources to disaster and climate risk reduction and recovery. Also, their critical role in the social and economic well-being of their communities makes it crucial for them to be active participants in disaster risk reduction, response and recovery efforts.

Yet, in practice, disaster risk management policies and processes throughout the world largely exclude the important work already being done by women.

Disaster risk reduction that delivers gender equality is a cost-effective win-win option for reducing vulnerability and sustaining the livelihoods of whole communities.

—Margareta Wahlström, UN Assistant Secretary-General for Disaster Risk Reduction

The effective and meaningful participation of women in policymaking, programming and implementation is crucial to increasing success in all phases of disaster risk management. This participation, combined with timely and adequate attention to the gender aspects of disasters and climate change, can in turn lead to greater gender equality and strengthen the resilience of entire communities.

Authors

Elizabeth Ferris

Image Source: © Hyungwon Kang / Reuters

Recurring Disasters: Are We Learning Lessons?

Elizabeth Ferris — Wed, 10 Apr 2013 08:00:00 -0400

For the past three years, we’ve compiled an annual review of natural disasters, highlighting not only overall trends for the year but drawing out lessons to prepare for future disasters. Given the fact that the frequency, intensity and unpredictability of natural disasters is expected to increase as a result of climate change, it is more important than ever that we learn from the past.

In looking back at 2012, we were struck by the ‘recurring disasters’ which occurred in different parts of the world. Hurricane Irene hit the northeastern United States in 2011 and then a little over a year later, Hurricane Sandy hit the same area. Typhoon Washi/Sendong in the Philippines was followed a year later by the deadly Typhoon Bopha/Pablo. And Pakistan experienced its third straight year of widespread flooding. When recurring disasters strike the same communities – communities which haven’t yet recovered from the previous disaster – the results can be devastating. The resilience of affected individuals and communities is undermined. Particularly when the communities are poor and marginalized (who tend to be more affected by disasters in any case), it can be hard to muster the energy and the resources to start over again. The devastation caused by recurring disasters in 2012 highlights the need for increased commitment and investment in disaster risk reduction. But we also know that it’s always easier to mobilize support for responding to a disaster than for taking measures to reduce the risk of future ones.

Statistically, 2012 was an ‘average’ year for disasters without the mega-disasters we saw in 2010 (Haiti) or 2011 (Japan). The deadliest disaster of 2012 was Typhoon Bopha/Pablo in the Philippines; the most expensive disaster was Hurricane Sandy in the US and Caribbean; and the disaster which affected the most people was the drought/food crisis in the Sahel region.

In this year’s review, we also looked at the role of regional organizations in disaster risk management – which is part of a larger research project we’re undertaking. Regional organizations seem to be playing an increasingly important role in the complex world of disaster risk management but have received very little attention. Regional organizations, we found, come in many sizes and shapes and they are involved in different kinds of work with disasters. For example, we found that all regions have developed framework agreements on disaster risk reduction or response. In most regions technical cooperation mechanisms – such as early warning systems – have been established. But few regional bodies provide the means for channeling financial assistance after a disaster.

We also looked at one particular type of disaster – wildfires. As evident in Australia, Russia and the United States, wildfires can destroy large swathes of forest. And yet, wildfires are not very significant in the overall scheme of disasters (with only 156 wildfire disasters reported over the past decade resulting in only 0.07 percent of global disaster fatalities.) But the combination of urban sprawl and a hotter and drier climate because of climate change in many parts of the world make it likely that we’ll see more wildfires in the future.

Finally, we looked at the gender dimensions of natural disasters. Natural disasters and climate change often exacerbate existing inequalities and discriminations, including those that are gender-based and can lead to new forms of discrimination. But women are not just victims; they play significant roles in disaster risk management. They are often at the frontline when disasters occur and they bring valuable resources to risk reduction and recovery efforts. When they are able to participate in the decisions that affect their lives, their families, and their communities, women have much to offer.

Authors

Elizabeth Ferris

Image Source: © Lucas Jackson / Reuters

Women in a Changing Middle East: An Address by Under Secretary of State Tara Sonenshine

Thu, 04 Apr 2013 11:00:00 -0400

Event Information

April 4, 2013
11:00 AM - 12:30 PM EDT

Falk Auditorium
Brookings Institution
1775 Massachusetts Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20036

Click here to watch the event online at cspan.org.

As Arab citizens struggle to rewrite the rules defining their societies, the role and status of Arab women is a sharp focus of debate. Arab women have been at the forefront of change, but have also faced unprecedented challenges. How central is women’s empowerment to the success of Arab societies, and how important are women’s rights in the struggle for democracy? What is the U.S. doing to help Arab women (and men) to advance women and girls in their societies?

On April 4, the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings hosted Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs Tara Sonenshine for an address on women in the Middle East. Senior Fellow Tamara Cofman Wittes, director of the Saban Center for Middle East Policy, will provide introductory remarks and moderate a discussion with Under Secretary Sonenshine after her remarks.

Video

Protecting Mogadishu’s Internally Displaced Persons: Past Failures, Future Challenges

Wed, 20 Mar 2013 10:00:00 -0400

Event Information

March 20, 2013
10:00 AM - 12:00 PM EDT

Zilkha Room
Brookings Institution
1775 Massachusetts Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20036

In 2011-2012 Somalia was affected by a devastating famine—caused by ongoing insecurity, an unrelenting drought, and restricted humanitarian assistance—which exacerbated the country’s ongoing displacement crisis. Hundreds of thousands of Somalia’s estimated 1.5 million internally displaced people (IDPs) have sought shelter in Mogadishu, but instead of finding safe refuge there, many of the displaced have encountered a hostile and abusive environment.

The Brookings-LSE Project on Internal Displacement and Human Rights Watch held a panel discussion about abuses of IDPs in Mogadishu, looking in particular at the interlinked security, justice, governance, and development challenges for the new government of Somalia. The session featured the presentation of a new report by Human Rights Watch on internal displacement in Mogadishu.

Meeting under Chatham House rules, over thirty participants from the U.S. government, United Nations agencies, and non-governmental humanitarian and development organizations contributed to the discussion. This followed presentations by the Institute for National Strategic Studies, Human Rights Watch, and USAID on the evolving political and security situation in Somalia, abuses of IDPs, and the humanitarian response.

There is optimism for Somalia’s future as the new government of President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has had diplomatic successes and international support for his “six pillar policy.” But major concerns and challenges remain for the federal government as it does not have complete control within Mogadishu, let alone outside the capital. A heavy reliance on AMISOM and regional military continues. Clan conflicts and the development of a solid federal system remain major unresolved challenges as some authorities outside Mogadishu are at odds with the central government. Meanwhile, al-Shabaab is a shifting threat, as the organization plays a waiting game to see if political opposition to the new government will emerge in Mogadishu.

All this sets a precarious stage for the situation of the internally displaced in the capital. The government announced in January that it is planning to relocate Mogadishu’s tens of thousands of internally displaced people to the outskirts of the city, a proposition that raises significant human rights concerns, in addition to complex logistical and development challenges. Human Rights Watch’s new report details the existing serious abuses against IDPs, including physical attacks, restrictions on movement and access to food and shelter, and clan-based discrimination against the displaced in Mogadishu from the height of the famine in mid-2011 through 2012.

The Human Rights Watch report draws particular attention to the ways in which government forces, affiliated militia, and private parties, notably camp managers known as “gatekeepers” or “black cats,” prey upon vulnerable IDP communities. Rape and sexual abuse of displaced women and girls, including by government soldiers and militia members, has been an enormous problem in the unprotected environment of the camps. Gatekeepers and militias controlling the camps have also diverted and stolen food aid intended for famine-stricken camp residents, and in some cases have prevented IDPs from leaving the camps in order to attract greater humanitarian assistance for their own benefit. These abuses highlight the importance of systematically integrating protection and access to basic services into any relocation plans, and ensuring that the timeframe for the implementation of these plans is realistic.

The discussion highlighted the particular vulnerabilities facing IDPs from the Rahanweyn and Bantu communities, as well as those from minority groups within the predominant clans. Particularly in regions that were the most affected by the famine, lack of clan protection exacerbates IDPs’ physical insecurity, and their lack of access to key services. Clan membership, both of IDPs and of gatekeepers, must therefore be carefully taken into account in discussions of IDP protection. Participants also explored challenges surrounding security sector reform in Somalia, stressing the need for more in-depth donor engagement on this issue, and for international actors to exercise greater caution in determining which individuals and groups they support.

Event Materials

HRWsomaliaMarch2013

Participants

Panelists

Laetitia Bader

Researcher

Lawrence Meserve

Acting Deputy Asst. Administrator, Bureau for Democracy, Conflict and Humanitarian Assistance

Andre Le Sage

Senior Research Fellow for Africa, Institute for National Strategic Studies

Syria's Unseen Crisis: Displaced Women Face Rape, Insecurity, Poverty

Megan Bradley — Fri, 08 Mar 2013 00:00:00 -0500

In a bleak irony, today – International Women’s Day – is also a public holiday in Syria, commemorating the 1963 coup that brought the Baathist party to power and saw Hafez al-Assad take over as commander of the Syrian air force. Assad eventually became president of Syria and, for all his sins, was a proponent of equal rights for women. Under the rule of his son, Bashar al-Assad, however, Syria has become a living hell for its women, particularly for the millions who have had to flee their homes since the country’s crisis began two years ago.

In the past week, the Syrian refugee crisis has grabbed headlines around the world as the number of Syrians who have had to seek asylum abroad reached one million. But there is another, less-discussed displacement crisis unfolding inside Syria. Syria’s internally displaced population passed the two million-mark months ago – by some estimates, there are more than three million Syrians uprooted within their country, most out of reach of international aid and media attention. The consequences of this crisis have been catastrophic for all displaced persons, but particularly for women and girls. International Women’s Day is a chance to give these consequences the attention they deserve, but have lacked so far.

Amongst the litany of abuses that characterize the Syrian conflict, rape has emerged as a defining element of the displacement crisis.

Amongst the litany of abuses that characterize the Syrian conflict, rape has emerged as a defining element of the displacement crisis. The International Rescue Committee, a leading aid agency, reports that among Syrian refugees in Jordan and Lebanon, rape was a primary motive for their flight. Inside Syria, increasing incidents of sexual violence suggest that rape is being used as a weapon of war. As the Assistant UN High Commissioner for Refugees reported recently to the Human Rights Council in Geneva, the displacement crisis is “accompanied by gender-based crimes, deliberate victimization of women and children and a frightening array of assaults on human dignity.” Attacks are often carried out in public, compounding the humiliation and stigma endured by those who survive.

In part as a result of such violence, many families have been displaced multiple times. Few have been able to find secure shelter or adequate assistance. For example, since January, the UN refugee agency, UNHCR, has been able to make only two deliveries of assistance to the internally displaced across conflict lines. While these convoys are a logistical and diplomatic feat, the distribution of 15,000 blankets and 1,000 tents by the February 13^th mission is radically disproportionate to the millions in need. According to recent reports, UNHCR’s cash assistance programs have so far reached an estimated 25,000 internally displaced Syrians, a tiny proportion of the internally displaced population.

Inadequate assistance and growing impoverishment have led to a vicious cycle in which women and girls who have fled sexual and gender-based violence are exposed to exploitation as they struggle to find food and fuel to survive. Domestic violence rates increase in such circumstances, and many desperate families marry off their daughters at younger ages than usual in order to secure some meager protection for them, and reduce the number of mouths to feed in a household.

In the absence of a still-elusive resolution to the conflict, what can be done to support women and girls displaced inside Syria?

First, as the UN’s former humanitarian aid czar John Holmes has said, “Donors need to step up, recognize the severity of the humanitarian crisis in and around Syria and face the virtual inevitability that this is going to get much worse and last much longer than initially anticipated.” Increased support is needed not only for Syria’s refugees, but also for the internally displaced. Renewed efforts are required to explore how more aid can be delivered to the displaced in areas outside the control of the Syrian government, including by transporting supplies across the borders of neighbouring countries, building on the current work of local NGOs and international groups such as Doctors Without Border/Médecins Sans Frontières.

Second, more attention is needed to the task of preventing and responding to sexual violence against Syrian women and girls. This must include medical care and counselling, enhanced security in camps and settlements occupied by displaced persons, and the provision of economic assistance to decrease the prevalence of early marriages and exploitation, including survival sex. British Foreign Secretary William Hague has launched an initiative to investigate and combat impunity for sexual violence in Syria, and as president of the G8 in 2013 the UK will promote a new international protocol on investigating and documenting sexual violence in conflict. G-8 members and other key governments should give full support to this initiative.

International Women’s Day is the ideal moment to mark a turning point from the impunity and neglect that has characterized responses to violations of the rights and needs of displaced women in Syria to date.

Editor's Note: This article was originally published in the Daily Beast as "Women Fleeing Syrian Rape Hell."

Authors

Megan Bradley

Publication: The Daily Beast

Image Source: © Muhammad Hamed / Reuters

International Women’s Day in India and Around the World: Progress and Strategies for Action

Urvashi Sahni and Xanthe Ackerman — Fri, 08 Mar 2013 09:00:00 -0500

International Women’s Day, March 8, is here again, and it is time to take stock of women’s lives in the world today. Great progress has been made in education and for women more broadly. Still, so much work remains to ensure that women are empowered, educated, safe, healthy and free to be fully participating members of equal societies. In India, the recent groundswell of support for women and girls speaks to the potential to overturn harmful gender norms. We need approaches, such as self-organizing and campaigning for women’s rights, gender-sensitive education, and including men in the fight for equality, that go beyond business as usual. At the global level, it is critical that the next set of development goals hold actors to better account for progress for women and girls.

In many countries, the situation for women is improving at the highest levels of leadership and among the poor, even if slowly. There are now 17 female heads of state around the world—almost twice as many as in 1990. According to UNESCO’s Global Monitoring Report, the number of countries where girls face severe gender disparity—defined as having less than nine girls in primary school for every ten boys—has dropped from 33 countries in 1999 to 17 in 2010. Gender parity at the secondary level has improved and, when girls make it to the secondary level in most countries, their retention and progression is the same or better than boys. More women are receiving antenatal care and skilled assistance during delivery—one of the most critical times in the prevention of maternal mortality.

While the international community welcomes and celebrates these gains for women and girls, much more needs to be done to ensure women and girl’s equality, and to meet the goals set out by the first set of Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Women are still largely unsafe, unwanted and unequal in the developing world. There are 4 million missing women and girls each year in developing countries. They are killed in the womb, soon after birth or during their child-bearing years. Most countries will miss the Education For All goal of a 50 percent improvement in adult literacy—a challenge that disproportionately affects women, who make up about two-thirds of the 775 million adults who cannot read. In addition to addressing lagging progress in female mortality reduction and access to education and economic opportunity, the World Development Report 2012 calls for renewed efforts to increase women’s voice and agency in the home and society, and to limit the reproduction of gender inequality across generations. Gender-based violence also continues to plague women around the world. According to CARE’s Women and Empowerment report, at least 1 in 3 females has been physically or sexually abused, often repeatedly and by a relative or acquaintance. Violence rivals cancer as a top cause of morbidity and mortality for women of child-bearing age.

In India, the case for renewed commitment to women and girls is clear. The government has made significant efforts to improve conditions for women and girls, including creating a large-scale girls’ education program that provides schools and support for girls in rural areas and has already helped to narrow the gender gap. Still, much remains to be done by the government and all other stakeholders. The child mortality rate in India is the highest in the world and some estimate that 1 million girls are killed in the womb there each year. In terms of education, gender overlaps with other causes of marginalization, including poverty, location (rural vs. urban) and social factors, such caste and tribe to worsen access and outcomes. For instance, according to the World Inequality Database on Education, in 2005, 31 percent of women age 17-22 years had less than four years of school, compared to 16 percent of men. Among the poor in the poorer regions of India, the numbers were as high as 91 percent of women compared to 55 percent of men.

Of all the challenges that women and girls face, to some, having no voice is among the most intolerable. Heroines the world over who struggle to be free and to make their voices heard, even when confronting lethal consequences. Malala was shot because she voiced the right to education for women in Pakistan, and Nirbhaya in India was brutally raped and murdered because she expressed her right to travel freely. For any known story, there are millions of lesser known cases such as Khusboo. This young woman in Uttar Pradesh, India received an education—a gender-based education that made empowerment the central goal—and found the courage to voice her right to complete high school. She resisted her father’s attempt to marry her off at 16 and for that she was beaten mercilessly and cast out of his house. To share her story and her voice, she recently made an award-winning autobiographical video that showed the abuse she faced and the triumph of holding up the diploma she earned.

On International Women’s Day, let us celebrate women’s triumphs, but let us also consider what more can be done to confront the reality that so many women face. The following are strategies that show promise in India and can be replicated and scaled.

Strategy #1: Self-Organize and Challenge the Status Quo

Advocacy campaigns that demand gender equality, examine gender norms and address the inconsistency of patriarchal structures in democratic societies can be highly effective. On February 14, 2013, Valentine’s Day, millions of women and many men rose up against gender-based violence across the globe. In India, thousands of people of all ages and gender took to the streets with banners, slogans, songs, street plays and dances, celebrating women and supporting their right to control their lives, their right to a safe world, their right to a voice. The India’s Daughters Campaign represents a civil society effort along these lines and has used mobile technology to engage and organize youth in the most rural areas, including the students at 28 girls’ schools.

Campaigning as a part of the ongoing public outcry following the rape and death of Nirbhaya has resulted in the constitution of a high-level committee to review laws related to sexual crimes. The committee produced The Justice Verma Report in record-breaking time. The report makes several recommendations to the government including judicial, political, police and military reforms. The committee also recommended that the Parliament promulgate a special bill of rights for women to ensure a life of safety and dignity, including in marriage. For the first time there is mention of “sexual autonomy” for women, and there is some recognition of marital rape as a crime. Severe punishments for rape and for all sexual offences are recommended, including stalking and sexual harassment in the work place. The committee writes that all marriages should be registered, which will make it possible to identify and prevent child marriages, which are widely prevalent in India. In addition, it recommends that police be subject to punitive action for not registering cases of rape and other sexual crimes. Jody Williams, civil rights activist and Nobel Peace Prize winner for her work on the Campaign to Ban Landmines, states “impunity” as the single biggest reason that violence against women continues to exist in such large numbers. Accordingly, the Justice Verma Report tries to make the law more responsive.

People in India are demanding that the issue of women’s safety be taken seriously by the government, and the state has, in this instance, responded. Their actions pave the way for further progress. For instance, a recent budget declaration allocates $200 million for the “safety of women,” and civil society organizations now are organizing to understand how the Ministry of Women and Children will spend this money. The fact that the elections are only a year away could be a factor in government’s responsiveness to civil society demands. Even so, women are being taken seriously as a political constituency to be recognized and considered.

The movement that led to the Justice Verma Report has been hugely successful, but there is more work to be done. Advocacy efforts should focus not only on these issues and judicial responses, but also the administrative environment and ability for crimes to be redressed quickly. The Indian government passed an ordinance recognizing 90 percent of the recommendations, but left out two important ones. Marital rape has still been denied legal recognition, leaving women unsafe in the domestic space, and the armed forces have been left out of the punitive net. Both are grave omissions, and women’s organizations are contesting them strongly.

Strategy #2: Include Gender Education in the Curriculum

Since critical dialogues can lead to real change in society with positive outcomes for women and men, we must note that the education system can support these dialogues by introducing gender education in the curriculum to sensitize and empower both girls and boys. What is most significant in the recent events in India is that we have seen that girls and women (at least in urban areas) are finding their “voice” and raising it. Critical dialogues and discussions around gender are taking place all over, in the media, universities, government, policymaking halls of power, schools, cafes, homes, and on the streets. Gender has become, at least for now, an important issue. This transformation can and should happen in every school for every girl and boy. Even now, policymakers and civil society are considering the convening of a national-level working group in India to examine how education can promote positive gender norms.

Indeed, gender norms should receive special official focus in education systems, curricula and teacher training. Students must know the laws and recognize that women are entitled to an equal voice in the home and in society. Education helps girls and women develop their voice and the capacity to aspire to equality, based on the recognition of themselves as equal persons. We must include gender education in our core curriculum along with or as part of human rights education. This inclusion will help reduce one more gender gap—that of limiting the reproduction of inequality across generations—by enabling both boys and girls to examine gendered construction of identities and social norms, the underlying structures that perpetuate inequality, and to unlearn negative and harmful ideas about gender.

In order for gender education to be included in national curricula, it is necessary for ministries of education to approve and initiate a process whereby academics, gender experts, practitioners and educationists can work collaboratively to develop a graded curriculum for gender education, along with related teacher training courses. Schools provide an opportunity for intellectual discussions about gender roles, responsibilities and resulting power relations, which could help students gain a clearer perspective about what “equality” means in democratic societies. Making gender education a curricular subject will make the issue “official” and legitimate and create a generation of more egalitarian gender norms. A concerted effort is required by the international education and development community to influence policy at the country level in this direction.

Strategy #3: Include Men in the Conversation

If there is anything to rejoice and feel hopeful about for women on International Women’s Day, it is the support from men for the movement to better ensure women’s safety and opportunity, especially in India. Men’s participation is something that all of us, men and women everywhere, should tenaciously hold on to in the fight for gender equality. We need male champions in every sphere: national politics, business, civil society, in homes and in schools. We all stand to gain from a society where everyone has a voice. As we’ve learned, boys are open and willing to think about the issue seriously: The protests in India were led equally by young men and women.

The inclusion of boys and men in the struggle for gender equality is critical, and women and girls need them as allies. Women’s education, health and safety are not “women’s problems” to be dealt with for and by women alone. Boys must be engaged in serious discussions about the social construction of masculinity and feminity in their contexts with the resulting implications for gender equality.

Strategy #4: Ensure the Next Set of Global Goals Focus on Gender Equality

At the global level, we must all work to ensure that gender continues to play a prominent role in the next set of global development goals. Whether gender is a cross-cutting issue that runs through all goals, or whether there are one or more goals that deal specifically with gender, the commitment to measuring progress for women and girls and funding policies and programs that improve conditions for women is critical and must be increased. Goals, metrics and policies should recognize that progress for girls and women over all often masks the lack of progress for large swaths of the female population. Even when average conditions for women and girls are improving, the situation for those affected by multiple forms of disadvantage, such as extreme poverty, remote location, conflict, disability, domestic abuse, negative gender norms, often remain unchanged.

While on International Women’s Day we celebrate the goals accomplished by women and girls, and men and boys—we also take stock of all that is yet to be finished.

Authors

Urvashi Sahni
Xanthe Ackerman

A Review of Natural Disasters in 2012: Foreword

Fri, 01 Mar 2013 00:00:00 -0500

It is with great pleasure that I introduce this report, The Year of Recurring Disasters: A Review of Natural Disasters in 2012, by the Brookings-LSE Project on Internal Displacement. For nearly a decade, the Project has made important contributions in highlighting the human rights of communities affected by natural disasters. This Review is intended to deepen the understanding of current trends in disasters and international disaster response.

As the Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons, I have witnessed the destruction and suffering caused by natural disasters first-hand. During my mission to Sudan last year, I came away with a strong impression of how slow-onset disasters such as drought and desertification interface with conflict and together cause the displacement of millions of people. Predictions are that climate change will only increase the stresses on many societies. And within societies, it is usually those who are most vulnerable, such as displaced persons, women, children and the elderly, who suffer the worst consequences. A human rights approach to disasters is of the utmost importance as it puts the focus of disaster planning and response on those who are the most vulnerable.

This Review provides an overview of natural disasters occurring in 2012 and of the international humanitarian community’s responses. The authors examine the important, emerging role of regional organizations in preparing for and managing disasters. The report examines the hazard of wildfires with a particular focus on how trends such as urban growth and climate change impact their occurrence. The Review closes with analysis of the intersection between natural disasters and gender, looking at the different ways that disasters affect men and women and emphasizing the importance of women’s participation in disaster risk management.

Over the past decade, there has been increased awareness of the human rights dimensions of natural disaster response. Notably, the Operational Guidelines on the Protection of Persons in Situations of Natural Disasters, adopted by the Inter-Agency Standing Committee, offer concrete guidance to agencies. The revision of those Guidelines in 2010 further strengthened this guidance by, among other things, highlighting the need to adopt disaster risk reduction strategies which take human rights issues into consideration.

I hope that by contributing to a deeper understanding of natural disasters and their impact, this study will help us to prevent natural hazards from becoming disasters and to be better prepared once a disaster strikes.

Sincerely,

Chaloka Beyani
UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Internally Displaced Persons
Co-Director of the Brookings-LSE Project on Internal Displacement

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The Year of Recurring Disasters: A Review of Natural Disasters in 2012

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The Year of Recurring Disasters: A Review of Natural Disasters in 2012

Elizabeth Ferris, Daniel Petz and Chareen Stark — Fri, 01 Mar 2013 00:00:00 -0500

In this report, Elizabeth Ferris, Daniel Petz and Chareen Stark examine four topics: disasters in 2012, with a focus on recurring disasters; the role of regional organizations in disaster risk management; wildfires; and the important role of women in disaster risk management.

Join the conversation on Twitter using #Disasters2012.

Elizabeth Ferris discusses the impacts of natural disasters in 2012 in this four-part video series based on her report.

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Below are some of the highlights from this year’s review.

The year of recurring disasters. We refer to 2012 as the ‘year of recurring disasters’ as several of the year’s disasters that had the most of fatalities, economic damages and/or number of people affected were similar to those occurring the previous year (Typhoons Bopha and Washi in the Philippines, Hurricanes Sandy and Irene in the Caribbean/US, and three years of widespread flooding in Pakistan). In the absence of a generally accepted definition, this report defines a recurring disaster as “the recurrence of a single natural hazard in the same geographic region within a one-year period.” This report seeks to draw some lessons for humanitarian actors and policy makers from recurring disasters in 2011 and 2012.
What we learn from recurring disasters. Recurring disasters have severe negative effects on human development by undermining the resilience of affected individuals and communities. Resolving livelihood issues as well as finding durable solutions for those displaced by disasters are core components of successful disaster recovery. The devastation caused by recurring disasters in 2012 also highlights the need for increased commitment and investment in disaster risk reduction. The implementation of sound disaster (and displacement) laws and policies can play an important role in mitigating the negative effects of recurring disasters and can contribute to the development of more resilient societies.
Statistically, 2012 was an ‘average’ year. There were no mega-disasters during the year that caused massive loss of life as in 2010 (Haiti earthquake) and 2011 (Great Japan earthquake and tsunami). In comparison with the annual averages over the past decade, fatalities in 2012 were far below average and the amount of economic losses was close to the ten-year average. Data on the number of disasters is mixed, with disaster databases showing both above and below average numbers for 2012. The deadliest disaster of 2012 was Typhoon Bopha/Pablo in the Philippines; the most expensive disaster was Hurricane Sandy in the US and Caribbean; and the disaster affecting the most people was the drought/food crisis in the Sahel region.
While overall humanitarian funding in 2012 was stable, funding for natural disasters dropped. After several years of mega-disasters and consequent high funding for disaster response, international humanitarian disaster funding dipped to the relatively low level witnessed in 2009. Meanwhile, overall humanitarian funding was fairly stable due to ongoing conflicts and complex emergencies. The disaster responses receiving the most humanitarian disaster funding in 2012 were the response to the drought/food crisis in the Sahel and the flood response and post-flood early recovery activities in Pakistan.
Regional organizations play an increasing and diverse role in disaster risk management. The landscape of regional organizations is complex and diverse, reflecting differences among and within regions. In most regions, governments and other actors see value in working together to prevent disasters and, to a lesser extent, to respond to disasters occurring in the region. In several important cases, international organizations have supported the development of strong regional initiatives. While there are few binding regional instruments in disaster risk management, regional organizations have worked out different mechanisms for encouraging collaboration, including frameworks for disaster risk reduction, regional military protocols, joint training exercises and regional insurance schemes.
Wildfires are more often hazards than disasters. While globally there are hundreds of thousands of wildfires each year, most of them are not considered “disasters” as they do not threaten human health, lives or livelihoods. There were 156 wildfire disasters reported over the 2000-2011 period, making up only 3.39 percent of all natural disasters recorded during that period. The 780 fatalities from wildfires recorded by the international disaster database make up 0.07 percent of global disaster fatalities during the period.
- The growth of urban sprawl and climate change are major factors in changing wildfire risks. Because of an array of factors more and more people are living in areas where residential housing borders undeveloped wildland vegetation, called the wildland-urban interface. In the US, for example, this has led to a massive increase in the number of houses destroyed every year by wildfires as well as a massive rise in fire suppression costs.
- A hotter and drier climate in many parts of the world, fuelled by global warming, will lead to more favorable conditions for wildfires, while increased precipitation or desertification in other regions might actually decrease wildfire risk. On the other side of the equation, forests and wildlands absorb and store major quantities of carbon dioxide. Loss of forest and forest degradation – in which wildfires play an important role – contributes as much as 17 percent of global greenhouse-gas emissions each year, a quantity higher than emissions from global transport. Burning forests are thus major drivers of climate change.
A gender-sensitive approach to disaster risk management is a smart approach. The gender dimensions of natural disasters have gained increasing recognition at the international level since the 1990s. It is now generally recognized that women are typically at greater risk from natural hazards than men, particularly in low-income countries and among the poor, and that they often also face particular protection risks in the period following a disaster. Indeed, natural disasters and climate change often exacerbate existing inequalities and discrimination, including those that are gender-based, and can lead to new forms of discrimination. However, it is also important to recognize that women play significant roles in all stages of disaster and climate risk management; they are often at the frontline as responders and bring valuable resources to risk reduction and recovery efforts. Yet, in practice, disaster risk management policies and processes throughout the world largely exclude the important work already being done by women. We argue that the effective and meaningful participation of women in policy-making, programming and implementation is crucial to increasing the success of disaster risk management in all phases. This participation, combined with timely and adequate attention to the gendered aspects of disasters and climate change, can in turn lead to greater gender equality and strengthen the resilience of entire communities.

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The Year of Recurring Disasters: A Review of Natural Disasters in 2012

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Elizabeth Ferris
Daniel Petz
Chareen Stark

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Disaster Risk Management: A Gender-Sensitive Approach is a Smart Approach

Elizabeth Ferris, Daniel Petz and Chareen Stark — Fri, 01 Mar 2013 00:00:00 -0500

Women and girls, who account for over half of the 200 million people affected annually by natural disasters, are typically at greater risk from natural hazards than men – particularly in low-income countries and among the poor. Natural disasters and climate change often exacerbate existing inequalities and discrimination, including those that are gender-based, and can lead to new forms of discrimination.

The term “gender” refers to the socially-constructed roles, behaviors, activities and attributes that a society considers appropriate for a person based on his or her assigned sex at birth. Understanding the gender implications and facets of natural disasters and climate change is critical to effective disaster risk management practices that enable communities and countries to be disaster resilient.All women, men, girls and boys do not face the same needs and vulnerabilities in the face of natural disasters and climate change; there are differences within each group and between individuals regarding specific protection concerns and capacities – for example, people with mental or physical disabilities, minorities and indigenous populations, the elderly, chronically ill, unaccompanied children, childheaded household, female-headed households, widows, etc. – and over time throughout the disaster and post-disaster phases. Various factors, including social, economic, ethnic, cultural and physiological factors, affect not only the ways that disasters impact women, men, girls and boys, but also their coping strategies and their participation in prevention, relief, recovery and reconstruction processes.

Women play significant roles in all stages of disaster and climate risk management; they are often at the frontline as responders and bring valuable resources to disaster and climate risk reduction and recovery. However, the important roles or potential roles women take on are often not recognized, and women themselves “are largely marginalized in the development of DRR policy and decision-making processes and their voices go unheard.”

Yet, in most crisis situations, women and children account for the majority of those affected (e.g., more than 75 percent of those displaced by natural disasters, and typically 70 to 80 percent of those needing assistance in emergency situations). Moreover, global pressures of urbanization have particular implications for men and women in both urban and rural communities. As the frequency and severity of hydro-meteorological hazards due to climate change are predicted to increase, it is important to understand the relationship between gender and disasters.

This chapter examines some of the gender-related vulnerabilities and capacities in natural disasters, why it is important to adopt a gender-based strategy for planning and response, what a gender-based approach to disaster management looks like, and recommendations to relevant actors.

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Chapter 4 - Disaster Risk Management: A Gender-Sensitive Approach is a Smart Approach

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Elizabeth Ferris
Daniel Petz
Chareen Stark

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An Indictment of the New Somali Government: Displaced Woman and Journalist Jailed for Raising Rape Charges

Megan Bradley — Thu, 07 Feb 2013 12:20:00 -0500

It’s hardly the headline Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud wanted. After more than twenty years, the United States has officially recognized the government of Somalia. Recently elected President Mohamud has pledged to make the welfare and security of women a top priority, but while visiting the United States and the United Kingdom this week to drum up support for his new government, he was dogged by reports showing just how far Somalia has to go to make this promise a reality.

In early January, freelance journalist Abdiaziz Abdinur interviewed a displaced woman living in one of Mogadishu’s notoriously insecure camps. Breaking the taboo on speaking out about sexual violence, she alleged that in August 2012 she was raped by government security forces. Government sensitivities on this issue were already running high following a 6 January 2013 report from Al Jazeera on the prevalence of rape in the camps sheltering many of Somalia’s 1.5 million internally displaced persons (IDPs). Although Abdiaziz Abdinur never published anything about the rape allegation, government officials arrested him and the woman, insisting that her rape claim was fabricated and that circulating the story risks state security.

This week, a Mogadishu court sentenced the journalist to one year in prison for fabricating a false claim. The displaced woman was also sentenced to a year in jail, for making up a rape claim that endangers state security. She is to start serving her term in one year, once she finishes breast feeding her baby. Unfortunately, the convictions are hardly a surprise. Before the trial, the defendants were denied access to counsel, and high level officials publicly declared that the pair was guilty. For instance, Somalia’s interior minister stated that the “government would not tolerate reporting that incites the public or creates a situation where the national security of the country could be undermined.” The judge denied the defense lawyer the chance to call witnesses to testify, and refused to accept medical evidence challenging the prosecution’s argument that the rape did not take place.

Already hesitant to report rapes because of stigma and lack of faith in the police and justice systems, Somali women may now be even less likely to come forward. This ruling and the government’s handling of the case brings into question officials’ commitment to improving security for internally displaced women in Somalia. Somalia’s new government should reverse course by quashing the conviction, and redoubling its efforts to protect displaced women from attacks, and end impunity for rape. As a clear sign that he intends to continue Hillary Clinton’s outstanding record of advocacy in support of women’s empowerment, John Kerry should make not only the fight against terrorism, but also women’s rights and the protection of displaced persons, priorities in his dealings with the new Somali government.

Authors

Megan Bradley

Can Kerry Fill Clinton’s Shoes?

Tamara Cofman Wittes — Mon, 04 Feb 2013 00:00:00 -0500

When I was in college studying politics, a senior male professor was my valued mentor. One piece of his advice, way back then, always stuck in my craw: Even if I wasn't interested in professional sports, he urged, I should learn a bit about it and read the sports page in the paper every day. Why? So that I would be able to join in the male chit-chat before the big meetings started.

I took his advice, for a while, and found that he was right: The big boys always did seem to talk about the football game before the meeting, and knowing something about sports gave me a way to join in. But it always felt forced, and a little risky, too -- after all, what if I said something ignorant? But though it was uncomfortable, it was what I had to do to make a place for myself in what was still, in the early 1990s, mostly a man's world.

As a younger scholar, I attended my share of meetings and conferences where I was the only woman in a room full of male experts. Although I saw more younger women entering graduate school, hoping to work in foreign policy and international affairs, not all of them made it out the other end of the pipeline. Too many female students and junior faculty I met were agonizing about whether they could afford to take time out for maternity leave before they got tenured. One older professor told me, when he learned I was pregnant, "A dissertation is a baby, too, you know." If that were true, then I produced three babies in three years (two delightful humans, one that "lives" on a shelf) -- while getting and holding a full-time job at a think tank.

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Tamara Cofman Wittes

Publication: Foreign Policy

The U.S. Should Take a Gradual Approach to Women in Combat

Michael E. O'Hanlon — Fri, 25 Jan 2013 00:00:00 -0500

Editor's Note: On January 24, 2013, U.S. Defense Secretary Leon Panetta lifted a ban on military women serving on the ground in direct combat. In the wake of this decision, U.S. News & World Report's Debate Club held a discussion on whether women should be allowed to fight in combat. Here is Michael O'Hanlon's contribution to the discussion.

I can't argue against the Pentagon's decision, but I also can't argue for it. Integrating women into front-line combat positions is a very delicate matter.

In today's military, women make up about 15 percent of the U.S. military and have suffered more than 100 combat fatalities over the past decade. Yet many military positions are still not open to them. Although 99 percent of active-duty Air Force positions and 88 percent of Navy billets are not restricted according to gender, the share is closer to 67 percent in the Army and Marine Corps.

There are cultural issues at work here, to be sure, but there are also physical ones. Infantry soldiers are extremely tough and must be quite strong. Some might challenge the irreducible strength standards demanded of Marine Corps infantry officers. But being able to lift oneself—while wearing body armor and carrying a pack—up and over walls is essential in modern combat. So is being able to move a wounded fellow Marine across a field to safety, or to haul part of a dismantled mortar to an ambush site. Some women can do these things; most cannot (in fact, most men cannot).

I am inclined to think that women with the skills and desire for intense ground combat should, at least initially, be steered toward other parts of the military (certain responsibilities within the special forces, for example) where they can contribute in important ways even in small numbers. But perhaps Secretary Panetta's decision still allows for a gradual approach, given that full integration by 2016 is its target, and given that exemptions may be possible if truly necessary.

Authors

Michael E. O'Hanlon

Publication: U.S. News & World Report

India’s Protests as a Social "Stress Test"

Raj M. Desai and Shareen Joshi — Fri, 28 Dec 2012 13:00:00 -0500

2012 has been a rough year for India’s government. It began with a series of protests led by an anti-corruption activist, who went on hunger strikes to protest foot-dragging by the government in passing a new anti-corruption law. Then, as a reminder of one of the worst scandals in recent memory, the Indian Supreme Court revoked all broadband licenses granted through what turned out to be illegal spectrum auctions. On the economic front, India has maintained stubbornly high inflation and the Indian government lowered the economy's growth forecast for the current financial year to 5.7 percent, the lowest in a decade.

As if these events were not bad enough, just in time to ring out the old year, major protests have broken out across the major cities in India over the brutal rape of a 23-year-old medical student in New Delhi. In Delhi’s famous Raisina Hill area where the parliament, presidential palace and several ministries are located, thousands of demonstrators clashed with riot police for several days before the area was barricaded. Those who have witnessed the protests—including the authors of this article—have noticed that the protesters’ anger is directed against the country’s police and politicians as much as it is against the rapists. The crowds also bear more than a passing resemblance to those participating in the Arab Spring protests in early 2011, being composed predominantly of urban youth, mobilized through social media, whose collective anger is being vented at various targets all at once.

In fact, one can think of the protests as motivated by a confluence of three major stresses facing contemporary India: crime, government ineffectiveness and gender inequity.

To begin with, India’s police remain unable to provide basic policing services, even after reforms put in place following the terrorist attacks in Mumbai in 2008. Delhi, for example, is home to one of the largest metropolitan police forces in the world with some 84,000 officers. But only one-third are involved in any kind of actual “policing” at any given time, while the rest provide protection services to various politicians, senior bureaucrats, diplomats and other elites. According to the Times of India there is one officer for every 200 citizens and about 20 officers for every VIP. Many of those who do perform police duties can be found shaking down motorists, participating in protection rackets and simply looking the other way as crimes take place. The victim herself was allegedly being assaulted on a bus traveling along a major thoroughfare that crossed police checkpoints. Many police departments around the country lack basic crime-fighting resources such as forensic facilities or specialized crime units. Police are provided with little training on securing crime scenes, gathering evidence, or conducting criminal investigations. There are no nationwide standards for training, competence or accountability.

And then there is the perception of a corrupt, paternalistic governing class that seems to have been left behind as rapid changes have swept other parts of Indian society. As India’s economy has acquired a global reputation as an IT services hub, government offices are still buried under piles of handwritten records. Even as India’s businesspeople—from its CEOs to its small shopkeepers to its millions of rural and urban micro-entrepreneurs—have innovated and discovered new markets, their government still operates as it has for decades. And when young protesters ask for improvements in policing or changes in government behavior, politicians warn of chaos and disorder, or simply keep silent. It took the prime minister one week to comment on the recent demonstrations. The home minister likened the protesters to the Maoist insurgents that the government is currently fighting. And the Delhi police commissioner, when asked what is being done about improving ties with the public, responded by mentioning “vocational work” for the poor. “Young India, old politicians,” is how author Gurcharan Das once described this gulf between the aspirations of its citizens and the incapacity of its politicians to deliver.

Finally, it is no secret that India remains a difficult country for women despite major advances by women in professional life. Basic indicators—female literacy, female labor force participation, female life expectancy and maternal mortality—are low relative to South Asian neighbors (Bangladesh and Sri Lanka) and even when compared to poorer countries such as Laos, Yemen and many countries in sub-Saharan Africa. The male-female ratio, a statistic that says much about the status of women in a society, remains one of the lowest in the world with only 940 women per thousand men. These “missing women” are largely victims of sex-selective abortion, poor investments in health and education for girls, and their general neglect. Delhi and neighboring Haryana state have sex-ratios below the national average: 866 women and 830 women for every thousand men, respectively. The surplus of single men, the prevalence of widespread youth unemployment and the persistence of traditional marriage practices have combined to produce serious social consequences, including violence against women.

As for the incident that sparked the current protests, the official statistics are even grimmer: almost 25,000 rapes were reported to police in India in 2011, a 25 percent increase over the previous year. According to local reporters, this is a fraction of the over half-million rapes that are actually committed each year—almost one every minute. With less than 7 percent of the police officers being women, the police are widely accused of gender insensitivity and apathy to crimes against women. In 2010, as many as 414 rape cases were reported in Delhi, the highest among 35 major cities in the country. According to the National Crime Records Bureau, the conviction rate in these rape cases was less than 35 percent. An investigative report by NDTV and Tehelka Magazine exposed how male police blame women for violence and harassment against them; remarked a station commander of a Delhi precinct: “if girls don't stay within their boundaries, if they don't wear appropriate clothes, [this] attraction makes men aggressive.” A senior police officer from the same precinct later revealed the identity of a minor who was gang-raped in a moving car, criticizing her “moral character” at a press conference.

The public debate in India continues. Senior members of the Delhi and national governments have broken their silence to acknowledge the magnitude of public discontent. Some short-term measures have been proposed: a new helpline for women, a promise to prosecute rape cases quickly, a strengthening of punishment against rape and other crimes against women, etc. A special session of parliament has been convened to address short- and long-term solutions to these issues. It remains clear however, is that solutions to the protesters’ concerns are neither quick nor simple. An overhaul of law enforcement systems is required, with investments in recruitment, organization, training, and new systems of accountability and oversight. Laws against sexual crimes must be strengthened. And most importantly, greater dialogue about India’s patriarchal norms must continue.

As for the other societal strains that moved the protesters, organized collective action will be needed long after the street demonstrations have died down, as will the sustained mobilization of women and young people. Women in India have been slow to organize around crosscutting issues. In the years since independence, the Indian women’s movement has been largely eclipsed by other divisions along the lines of class, caste, tribe, language, religion and political affiliation. And an irony that has not been lost on some commentators is that the crowds protesting in the cities—young, middle- or upper-middle class—are not generally dependable voters in Indian elections.

Perhaps the recent protests are a turning point, a sign of growing awareness that the problems of policing, bad governance and crimes against women have been neglected by the normal political process, and that they have implications for managing social tensions as well as for economic development. Given that two-thirds of India is today below the age of 35, the potential for the voice of the youth to shape national policy is powerful, if still unfulfilled. As the New Year approaches, Indian politicians would be well-advised to remind themselves of the lessons of the Arab Spring: young people may not matter in politics… until they do.

Authors

Raj M. Desai
Shareen Joshi

A Challenge for Female Marines

Michael E. O'Hanlon — Mon, 12 Nov 2012 00:00:00 -0500

In recent years they have flown military transport planes from continent to continent, launched and landed combat jets on aircraft carriers, steered helicopters through the mountain passes of the Hindu Kush, shepherded supply trucks up and down the highways of Iraq and Afghanistan, and connected with Afghans and Iraqis in ways that male GIs never could. America's women warriors are an extraordinary lot.

Women make up about 15% of the U.S. military and have suffered more than 100 combat fatalities over the past decade. Yet many military positions are still not open to them—from special-forces commandos to front-line Army and Marine Corps infantry, to Navy billets on certain ships where berthing members of both sexes is logistically challenging. While 99% of active-duty Air Force positions and 88% of Navy billets aren't restricted according to gender, the share is closer to 67% in the Army and Marine Corps.

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Authors

Michael E. O'Hanlon

Publication: Wall Street Journal

Women After the Arab Awakening: Making Change

Thu, 25 Oct 2012 14:00:00 -0400

Event Information

October 25, 2012
2:00 PM - 3:30 PM EDT

Falk Auditorium
Brookings Institution
1775 Massachusetts Avenue NW
Washington, DC 20036

Women played an integral role in the Arab uprisings, and the continued empowerment of women will be critical to the emergence of democracy in the region. Gender rights and women’s equality are among the most consequential and controversial issues facing newly elected governments across the Arab world. Some fear that the election of Islamist parties will turn back the clock on women’s rights, but others see more open politics as a new opportunity for efforts to achieve equality in the Arab world. How has the Arab awakening affected the women of the region? How are activists and politicians seeking progress for women in this uncertain and evolving landscape?

On October 25, the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings, with Vital Voices Global Partnership and the Project on Middle East Democracy, hosted activists from Morocco, Egypt, Lebanon and Jordan who are advocating for women’s rights in a variety of ways: combating child marriage, working to repeal gender-discriminatory laws, promoting gender equality in the new Egyptian constitution, and protecting the rights of women workers. Brookings Senior Fellow Tamara Cofman Wittes, director of the Saban Center for Middle East Policy, provided introductory remarks and moderated the discussion.

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Women After the Arab Awakening: Making Change

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The Uncomfortable Truth About American Wages

Michael Greenstone and Adam Looney — Tue, 23 Oct 2012 14:25:00 -0400

Job creation has rightly been the central economic issue of the last three years as the United States continues its recovery. But the problems with the job market are not entirely recent. The downturn also exacerbated longer-term challenges in the labor market that are driven by a variety of factors, including technological change, international trade and the decline of unions. Many of these forces have been around since the 19th century, but today, for what may be the first time in American history, we are failing to invest enough in our skills and productivity to stay ahead of these trends, and the impacts of this failure are reflected in the declining wages of many American workers.

Because the role of women in the labor force has changed strikingly over the last 40 years, the problem is most evident in trends in male earnings. And, in fact, there has been a lot of talk about the stagnating wages of American male workers. Using conventional methods of analysis, the data show that the median earnings for prime-age (25-64) working men have declined slightly from 1970 to 2010, falling by 4 percent after adjusting for inflation.

This finding of stagnant wages is unsettling, but also quite misleading. For one thing, this statistic includes only men who have jobs. In 1970, 94 percent of prime-age men worked, but by 2010, that number was only 81 percent. The decline in employment has been accompanied by increases in incarceration rates, higher rates of enrollment in the Social Security Disability Insurance program and more Americans struggling to find work. Because those without jobs are excluded from conventional analyses of Americans’ earnings, the statistics we most commonly see — those that illustrate a trend of wage stagnation — present an overly optimistic picture of the middle class.

When we consider all working-age men, including those who are not working, the real earnings of the median male have actually declined by 19 percent since 1970. This means that the median man in 2010 earned as much as the median man did in 1964 — nearly a half century ago. Men with less education face an even bleaker picture; earnings for the median man with a high school diploma and no further schooling fell by 41 percent from 1970 to 2010.

Women have fared much better over these 40 years, but they started from a lower level, and the same problems faced by their male counterparts are beginning to have an effect. Since 1970, the earnings of the median female worker have increased by 71 percent, and the share of women 25 to 64 who are employed has risen to 71 percent, from 54 percent. But after making significant wage gains over several decades, that progress has slowed and even reversed recently. Since 2000, the earnings of the median woman have fallen by 6 percent.

Though these trends in earnings for American workers — men and women alike — are troubling and have many causes, the data do present some clear guidance for policy makers. Among the most robust findings in economics is that education reduces unemployment and increases earnings. But even with the remarkable capacity for education to produce growth, the rate of educational attainment in the United States has slowed, especially for men. The share of men 25 to 34 with a college degree, for example, has barely increased over the last 30 years. (The trends are much better for women.) The United States, once the world leader in educational attainment, has been surpassed by many countries.

Strengthening our K-12 education system and increasing college-completion rates are, therefore, imperative to improving living standards for future generations. It is also clear that changes in the global economy that generate vast opportunities for the American economy have created difficulties for many Americans; the continued pursuit of pro-growth policies will require the identification of policies that help these workers to remain active participants in the economy. These are difficult tasks, but the last four decades demonstrate that the stakes are high. Our children’s living standards are at risk, and with them the American Dream that each generation can do better than the previous one.

Authors

Publication: New York Times' Economix

Image Source: StockRocket