Brookings: Topics - Summit of the Americas

Latin America and the Obama Administration: A New Partnership?

Tue, 29 Jun 2010 10:00:00 -0400

Event Information

June 29, 2010
10:00 AM - 12:00 PM EDT

Saul/Zilkha Rooms
The Brookings Institution
1775 Massachusetts Avenue, NW
Washington, DC 20036

President Barack Obama took office in early 2009 with an ambitious foreign policy agenda for the Americas. In April of that year, his keynote remarks at the fifth Summit of the Americas emphasized the United States’ new course of seeking equal partnership and collaboration in the region.

On June 29, the Latin America Initiative at Brookings and the Corporación Andina de Fomento (CAF) brought together experts from the region to discuss the significance of this renewed hemispheric partnership and featured a keynote address from Arturo Valenzuela, assistant secretary of state for Western Hemisphere affairs. Panelists included: Craig Kelly, principal deputy assistant secretary for Western Hemisphere Affairs at the U.S. Department of State; Michael Shifter, president of the Inter-American Dialogue; Luis Enrique Berrizbeitia, executive vice-president of the Corporación Andina de Fomento (CAF); and Kevin Casas-Zamora, senior fellow at Brookings. They took a closer look at the idea of partnership in the region, reviewed the progress that has been made, explored opportunities that exist for the future and discussed the realities of developing collaborative policies in the region across a wide range of topics, including energy and climate change. The discussion also revisited the policy recommendations made by Brookings‘s Partnership for the Americas Commission.

Video

Participants

Moderator

Panelists

Arturo Valenzuela

Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs, U.S. Department of State

Craig Kelly

Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for Western Hemisphere Affairs, U.S. Department of State

Luis Enrique Berrizbeitia

Executive Vice-President, Corporación Andina de Fomento (CAF)

Michael Shifter

President, Inter-American Dialogue

A Confident and Strong Latin America

Mauricio Cárdenas — Tue, 29 Jun 2010 00:00:00 -0400

On June 29, the Latin America Initiative (LAI) at Brookings and the Corporación Andina de Fomento (CAF) hosted a panel of experts from Latin America to discuss the significance of the renewed hemispheric partnership between the U.S. and Latin America. In this video from the event, LAI director Mauricio Cárdenas discusses the challenges of U.S. foreign policy in Latin America and how the focus has changed since President Obama took office.

Authors

Mauricio Cárdenas

Image Source: © Reuters Photographer / Reuters

Obama at the Summit of the Americas

Kevin Casas-Zamora — Fri, 24 Apr 2009 12:00:00 -0400

President Obama ought to be pleased. At the Summit of the Americas he walked into a skeptical audience and charmed his way around. He struck the right notes and, as anyone who has attended these events knows, it is the tone that matters, much more than the substance. Obama was eloquent, accessible, and modest yet firm, with no discernible sign of the “ugly American” sobriquet that so clearly bedeviled his predecessor. Daniel Ortega’s rants notwithstanding, when the President is on top form, as he was in Trinidad, he is very difficult to antagonize.

The concrete results of the Summit were meager at best. Then again, this was never about results. For Latin America it was all about gauging Obama. The messenger was the message. The President clearly understood that modesty would go a long way in a region that combines growing self-confidence with a deep historical resentment towards the U.S. The latter attitude owes much to the U.S. constant meddling in the region’s politics throughout the 20th Century, but also to a simmering inferiority complex on the Latin American side rooted in the unflattering comparison between the U.S. phenomenal historical success and Latin America’s fitful journey towards development. Increasingly autonomous from its powerful neighbor, whose sight and mind are set elsewhere these days, Latin American countries were not really expecting Obama to show up with anything concrete at the Summit, least of all money. Like the young Aretha Franklin, all they wanted was respect. And they got it.

To be sure, the U.S. commitment of $100 million for a fund to support small entrepreneurs in the Hemisphere is an interesting measure. At a minimum it reinforces another key message that Obama delivered: that poverty, inequality, and lack of opportunities for the youth are key issues for Latin America. Obama gave clear hints that he understands that prosperity in the Hemisphere demands more than free trade and foreign investment, crucial as both can be. It also requires support for more robust social policies, an area in which most Latin American governments have made genuine strides in the past decade, in ways both moderate and radical. To hear that the U.S. President grasps the really substantive development issues in Latin America and exhibits a more nuanced view of progress does come as a relief to the region.

Despite the dearth of immediate results, this mutation in tone will lead in due course to concrete changes in the relationship. It is already setting in motion unexpected diplomatic moves. Hugo Chavez has already announced that his government is appointing a new Ambassador to the U.S. This is a sign of civility from someone who thrives in conflict.

And then there is Cuba. On this, the ball is now firmly on the Cubans’ turf, even more so than before the Summit. Building on the rather modest announcements made by President Obama prior to the Summit, tepidly received in Latin America, U.S. diplomats did a superb job of putting the Cubans under the spotlight. Despite the rhetorical harshness of the past few days, most reasonable people in the Hemisphere expect them to reciprocate with something tangible, even a small step. It will be interesting to see, for instance, if the Cubans allow U.S. telecommunications investment in the island, which in order to be effective requires, of course, licenses and permits issued by the Cuban government. Gestures of that kind would lead to a tit-for-tat dynamics that could develop into more substantive steps, probably very rapidly.

Should one of the early steps be the re-admission of Cuba to the Organization of American States (OAS), an idea floated repeatedly during the Summit? No, and the U.S. was right to receive it with deafening silence. On this, the U.S. is right to draw a line and act conservatively. The OAS is a community of democracies, defined by, amongst other things, the Inter-American Democratic Charter, a document approved on a meaningful day for freedom and democracy – September 11, 2001. Moreover, Latin America’s single biggest achievement of the past generation has been to leave behind a long authoritarian night. No other region in the developing world can say as much. As Ted Piccone, a Brookings scholar, has forcefully argued, it would be a pity to give away that legacy for nothing. While it would be good to open the possibility of Cuba approaching eventually the Inter-American System, granting it immediate membership without pre-conditions would send an ominous signal, not just to Cuba but to other countries in the region that are teetering on the verge of authoritarianism, such as Venezuela and Nicaragua. Cuba does not deserve to be punished with a U.S. embargo for being what it is, but neither should it be rewarded with membership in a club of nations that defend values that are negated on a daily basis in the island. Obama’s silence on this was right too.

All things considered, the Summit was a success for the President and for the U.S. Despite the usual chorus of U.S. conservative voices that see weakness in any sign of humility, American interests and security in the Hemisphere are far better served by Obama’s demeanor at the Summit, than by any amount of chest-thumping. Today, no nation in Latin America poses any significant strategic threat to U.S. security demanding confrontation or containment. Without exception, the challenges that will define the future of Hemispheric relations –ranging from energy security to climate change, from immigration to organized crime— call for collective responses. They are common assignments that are to be solved through dialogue and cooperation across the Hemisphere. As the old Spanish saying has it, “courtesy detracts not from bravery.” In the Western Hemisphere a little modesty, civility, and respect can also be stupendous foreign policy.

Authors

Kevin Casas-Zamora

President Obama and the Summit of the Americas

Abraham F. Lowenthal — Thu, 16 Apr 2009 12:00:00 -0400

President Barack Obama will travel to Mexico and then to the 5th Summit of the Americas in Port of Spain, Trinidad, beginning on April 16th. He would do well to remember Ronald Reagan's seemingly obvious but fundamentally important comment on returning from his first trip to South America as President: "These Latin American countries are all very different from each other."

It's crucially important for the new U.S. government at its senior levels to take seriously the oft-repeated advice of regional experts to disaggregate "Latin America" -- to understand its complex diversity. Emphasizing this is now more important than ever.

During the past 20 years, under administrations of both parties, Washington has tended to underline the supposed convergence within the region: toward democratic governance, market-oriented economies, regional economic integration and policies of macroeconomic and fiscal balance. These convergent trends were real, though never universal, and they have been significant, though never as fully consolidated as Washington liked to claim.

Key differences persist among the many countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. Some of the differences are growing, not shrinking. And U.S. policy should focus on how different countries of the Americas cluster along five separate dimensions.

The first is the degree of demographic and economic interdependence with the United States: highest and still growing in Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean: lowest and likely to remain low in South America, and especially in the Southern Cone. Countries such as Mexico, El Salvador, Jamaica, the Dominican Republic and others, which have significant fractions of their population living and working in the United States, pose "intermestic" issues -- combining international and domestic facets -- from immigration to medical insurance, pensions to drivers licenses, remittances to youth gangs.

A second dimension is the extent to which the countries have opened their economies to international competition: by far most fully in Chile; a great deal in Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, Panama and some Central American nations; and less so in other countries. A key challenge in the current world economic crisis will be to shore up the trend toward open economies by resisting domestic pressure for protectionism in our own case.

A third distinguishing dimension is the relative advance of democratic governance (checks and balances, accountability, and the rule of law): historically strong in Chile, Uruguay, and Costa Rica; increasingly, if quite unevenly, robust in Brazil; gaining ground in Mexico over the past twenty years but with ups and downs, hard struggle and major recent setbacks; arguably declining, or at least at risk, in Argentina; under great strain in Venezuela, most of the Andean nations, much of Central America and Paraguay; and exceptionally weak in Haiti. The Obama administration can make an important positive difference on these issues by respecting the rule of law at home and internationally, and by nurturing democratic governance abroad with patience, restraint and skill, mainly through nongovernmental organizations.

A fourth dimension is the relative effectiveness of civic and political institutions beyond the state (the press, trade unions, religious organizations, and nongovernmental entities): strongest in Chile, Uruguay, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic and perhaps Argentina; growing but still severely challenged in Brazil and Mexico; slowly regaining stature but still quite problematic in Colombia; weak in Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, Paraguay, Venezuela, most of Central America and Haiti. Washington can help strengthen nongovernmental institutions, but it should do so as much as possible through multilateral organizations, and in strict accordance with each country's laws.

Finally, countries differ regarding the extent to which traditionally excluded populations are incorporated: this includes more than 30 million marginalized, disadvantaged, and increasingly politically mobilized indigenous people -- especially in Bolivia, Ecuador, Guatemala, the Peruvian highlands, and southern Mexico -- and Afro-Latin Americans in countries where they are still the object of racial discrimination. The very fact of President Obama's rise to the presidency has probably done more to affect this issue than years of more direct policies, but enhanced U.S. support for poverty alleviation targeted at excluded populations would also be helpful.

Hemisphere-wide summit conferences like the meeting in Trinidad have their place as a way of building communication and rapport, and they offer mutually convenient photo opportunities. But major progress on substantive issues can only be achieved with clusters of countries with comparable or complementary issues and concerns. Recognizing this reality should be the starting point for reframing U.S. policies in the Americas.

Authors

Abraham F. Lowenthal

Publication: The Huffington Post

Will Obama Retreat on Democracy in Latin America?

Ted Piccone — Tue, 14 Apr 2009 12:00:00 -0400

President Barack Obama's April 17 debut before the hemisphere's main gathering of democratically elected leaders offers an important test of his administration's commitment to longstanding bipartisan support for democracy abroad. So far, the signals are not encouraging.

No doubt, the president inherits an unfortunate legacy on this front. President George W. Bush's over-the-top freedom agenda was seen by many as a veiled attempt, by military means or otherwise, to assert U.S. hegemony. At best, it was an overly ambitious and ham-handed effort to boost prospects for political reform in every corner of the world.

The more pragmatic Mr. Obama will take a different, more muted approach, bending U.S. advocacy on human rights to other concerns. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton apparently suggested that in her February visit to Beijing, where she signaled to the Communist Party's leaders that the United States would not let human rights get in the way of other priorities. But how far will this pragmatism go? Are we entering a new era in which the rights of the hundreds of millions of people who still live under authoritarian rule are relegated to third-tier status in the U.S. agenda?

In Latin America and the Caribbean, the good news is that most citizens not only have a secure voice and vote in how they are governed, but live in increasingly free societies. Freedom of the press is robust, civil society is active and independent judiciaries are slowly consolidating. Threats to these critical components of any democratic society emanate less from a restless military and more from heavily armed criminals who create havoc in once safe neighborhoods and target investigative journalists and honest judges with "plata o plomo" - money or lead.

There are, however, a few exceptions to this generally positive trend. Venezuela, under Hugo Chavez's tutelage, has deteriorated badly on several indicators of democratic life and is no longer invited to the Community of Democracies, a global association of governments committed to fundamental practices of democracy and human rights. Not far behind is Nicaragua which, under Sandinista leader Daniel Ortega, is reverting to old-style tactics of repressing the opposition and clamping down on dissent. Other states worth watching closely are Ecuador and Bolivia which, as they undertake dramatic reform to incorporate once marginalized groups, are vulnerable to civil conflict.

And then there is Cuba. Raul Castro will not be at the Summit of the Americas in Trinidad and Tobago because Cuba does not adhere to the inter-American system's fundamental principles of democracy and human rights. That is as it should be. But Mr. Obama will face considerable pressure from his colleagues to fudge this bright line by engaging, rather than isolating Cuba, as they and nearly every other country has done. Indeed, the White House has already begun moving in this direction by easing restrictions on family travel and remittances to the island. Much more can and should be done in the coming months to continue this process of rapprochement between Washington and Havana. But lifting Cuba's suspension as a member of the Organization of American States (OAS), as many are advocating, would be a step too far.

The governments of the region, as they emerged from years of military dictatorship in the 1980s, agreed to lock arms and resist any attempt to overthrow civilian constitutional rule. This joint approach has served the region well when such countries as Peru, Paraguay, Guatemala and Haiti faced political turmoil. The commitment to core democratic standards, expressed through the Inter-American Democratic Charter, is central to the region's identity and compares well to the European model of integration based on common democratic values and forms of government.

All this progress is at risk if the region's governments decide to lift Cuba's suspension as a member of the OAS without preconditions. Unless the Castro regime takes serious steps toward meeting the region's basic human rights standards, including rights to free speech, fair elections and due process for political prisoners, it should not be considered for renewed membership. The Obama Administration, which appears determined to open new paths of dialogue with difficult countries like Cuba, Iran and Syria, must be careful not to lower the bar so far that its own neighborhood loses its distinct identity as a community of democratic states.

President Obama, thus, should walk a fine line at the Summit gathering. He needs to lead by example by implementing human rights reforms at home while reminding his colleagues they share a common responsibility to follow and promote universal democratic standards. This must include encouraging the Castro government to adopt genuine political reforms before it can be welcomed back to the OAS, as well as strengthening the region's collective defense of democracy in backsliding states. Anything less would surely set the human rights cause back for the region, and the world.

Authors

Ted Piccone

Publication: The Huffington Post

Previewing the Summit of the Americas

Tue, 14 Apr 2009 10:00:00 -0400

Event Information

April 14, 2009
10:00 AM - 11:00 AM EDT

Falk Auditorium
The Brookings Institution
1775 Massachusetts Ave., NW
Washington, DC

The fifth Summit of the Americas, taking place in Trinidad and Tobago on April 17-19, offers leaders of the Western Hemisphere an opportunity to partner on a new and robust agenda that spans global economic, social, energy and climate change issues. What is really at stake and will the leaders be able to forge consensus on critical challenges given the financial crisis and other demands? Will President Barack Obama’s participation mark a new partnership for the United States and the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean?

On April 14, the Brookings Institution hosted a discussion of the critical issues facing the leaders attending the summit and proposed recommendations for action. Mauricio Cárdenas, senior fellow and director of the Latin America Initiative at Brookings, lead and moderated the panel discussion. Panelists included Brookings experts Leonardo Martinez-Diaz and Theodore Piccone. A new report by the Latin America Initiative that details the issues and opportunities arising from the summit was also issued.

Access report: "The Fifth Summit of the Americas: Recommendations for Action" »

Transcript

Transcript (.pdf)

Event Materials

20090414_summit

Participants

Panelists

The Fifth Summit of the Americas: Recommendations for Action

Mon, 13 Apr 2009 12:00:00 -0400

Leaders of the Western Hemisphere will gather in Trinidad and Tobago on April 17-19, 2009 for the fifth Summit of the Americas. The meetings offer an opportunity for policymakers to partner on a new and robust regional agenda that spans global economic, social, energy and climate change issues.

In a series of commentary articles focused on the Summit of the Americas’ agenda and key challenges, Brookings experts discuss the critical issues facing the leaders attending the summit and propose recommendations for policy action.

Download the full report »

Introduction

The Fifth Summit of the Americas: An Agenda Leaders Should Agree On » (PDF)
Mauricio Cárdenas frames the major issues facing regional leaders as they gather for the Summit of the Americas. From responding to the global economic recession to securing energy security and stronger social policies, Cárdenas proposes a robust agenda for policymakers to consider.

Articles

Disaggregate Latin America » (PDF)
Abraham Lowenthal explores how the different countries of the Americas cluster along separate policy dimensions, and recommends ways for the Obama Administration to impact policies taking these dimensions into account.

Enhance Democracy in the Americas through Multilateral Action » (PDF)
Executive Summary (English) (Español)

Theodore Piccone discusses how the U.S. can work more effectively within the region through a more multilateral course that focuses on both the diplomatic and development assistance aspects of a comprehensive democracy assistance strategy.

Set the Right Agenda: Latin America and Multilateral Institutions » (PDF)
Executive Summary (English) (Español)

Ernesto Talvi and Alejandro Izquierdo address the regional economic impact of the global financial crisis and likely economic outcomes, noting how the multilateral institutions can support financial growth through a set of proposed policy actions.

Make Trade a Priority » (PDF)
Executive Summary (English) (Español)

Leonardo Martinez-Diaz proposes steps that regional leaders can take to ensure the hemisphere’s trading system remains open and strong, including making a public commitment, increasing trade finance, enhancing trade surveillance and other measures.

Reinvigorate NAFTA » (PDF)
Executive Summary (English) (Español)

Diana Villiers Negroponte discuss the critical importance of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and how reinvigorating the treaty can be part of a hemispheric effort to stimulate trade and deter protectionist measures while fostering partnership on critical policy issues.

Partner to Build and Sustain Energy Security » (PDF)
Executive Summary (English) (Español)

John Deutch explores the major challenges of energy security and environmental sustainability and proposes a few key areas for hemispheric cooperation, including establishing a hemispheric group to address climate change, eliminating the U.S. import tariff on ethanol for fuel use, and establishing a solar and renewable energy lab.

Strengthen Human Security » (PDF)
Executive Summary (English) (Español)

Vanda Felbab-Brown looks at opportunities for strengthening human security in the hemisphere, focusing on issues of public safety and improving the judiciary, and encouraging and extending economic development in the region.

Reverse the Crime Epidemic in Latin America and the Caribbean » (PDF)
Executive Summary (English) (Español)

Kevin Casas-Zamora discusses the consequences of crime in the region, exploring the multi-fold factors at play and proposing a strategy to tackle crime effectively.

Reframe U.S.-Cuba Relations » (PDF)
Executive Summary (English) (Español)

Vicki Huddleston and Carlos Pascual propose a new context for U.S. policy toward Cuba, and detail policy options that President Obama can consider for implementation without seeking new laws or modifying old ones.

Mitigate the Effects of the Financial Crisis to Ensure Long-Term Well Being » (PDF)
Executive Summary (English) (Español)

Carol Graham examines the issue of happiness in the region following the financial crisis and explores ways that policymakers can coordinate to deal with welfare losses associated with the financial crisis.

Download the full report »

Downloads

Download

The Summit of the Americas and Regional Development Banks

Fri, 10 Apr 2009 15:41:44 -0400

Mauricio Cárdenas, director of the Latin America Initiative, says the focus of the fifth Summit of the Americas will be the global economic crisis. He also explains that the nations need to agree on strengthening regional development banks and that certain countries need open trade.

The Summit of the Americas and Democracy

Fri, 10 Apr 2009 16:00:28 -0400

In previewing the fifth Summit of the Americas, Ted Piccone notes that popular support for democracy and good governance is widespread in Latin America and that the United States has an opportunity to fix its approach to democracy assistance.

Weak States and the Summit of the Americas

Vanda Felbab-Brown — Wed, 08 Apr 2009 17:12:43 -0400

The Summit of the Americas opens in Trinidad and Tobago next week where leaders of the Western Hemisphere will address political, economic and social issues affecting Latin America. Fellow Vanda Felbab-Brown previews the talks and outlines some of the key issues up for discussion, including the role of the United States.

Video

Weak States Challenge Many Nations in the Americas

The Scouting Report: Previewing the Summit of the Americas

Wed, 08 Apr 2009 12:30:00 -0400

Event Information

April 8, 2009
12:30 PM - 1:30 PM EDT

Online
The Brookings Institution
1775 Massachusetts Ave., NW
Washington, DC

The new Obama Administration can send signals for a new beginning with many of our neighbors to the south at the upcoming Summit of the Americas April 17-19 in Trinidad and Tobago.

Challenges abound for the new President and his emissaries to Cuba, Colombia, Bolivia, Haiti and Venezuela. Mauricio Cárdenas, director of the Latin America Initiative at Brookings, took your questions on U.S. policy in the region during a web chat moderated by Politico Senior Editor Fred Barbash, Wednesday, April 8 at 12:30 PM.

Transcript

Transcript (.pdf)

Event Materials

0408_latin_america_chat

Participants

Moderator

Fred Barbash

Senior Editor
Politico

Panelists

The Obama Administration and the Americas: Agenda for Change

Wed, 01 Apr 2009 15:30:00 -0400

Event Information

April 1, 2009
3:30 PM - 5:00 PM EDT

Falk Auditorium
The Brookings Institution
1775 Massachusetts Ave., NW
Washington, DC

On April 1, Brookings hosted a panel discussion on the upcoming Summit of the Americas and the recently released book, The Obama Administration and the Americas: Agenda for Change (Brookings Institution Press, 2009), edited by Brookings Nonresident Senior Fellow Abraham F. Lowenthal, Brookings Senior Fellow and Deputy Director of Foreign Policy Theodore J. Piccone and University of Oxford Fellow Laurence Whitehead. As President Barack Obama's prepared for his regional debut at the fifth Summit of the Americas on April 17, a panel of experts discussed prospects for cooperation on several of the toughest issues facing the hemisphere: immigration, narcotics, energy, trade and democratic development.

The Obama Administration and the Americas assembles strategic policy advice from Latin American, European and U.S. experts. These experts recommend that the new U.S. administration renew its approach to the region and work productively with its southern neighbors, recognizing the region’s diversity but also its shared concerns and aspirations. Focusing on the hemisphere’s most challenging nations -- Cuba, Colombia, Bolivia, Haiti, Mexico, and Venezuela – these regional specialists emphasize collaboration, multilateralism and pragmatism to formulate bold recommendations for President Obama.

The panelists included Ambassador Arturo Sarukhan, Ambassador of Mexico to the United States; Lowenthal, professor at the University of Southern California; Whitehead; and Piccone. After the discussion, participants took audience questions.