Brookings: Books and Journals

The Metropolitan Revolution : How Cities and Metros Are Fixing Our Broken Politics and Fragile Economy

Jennifer Bradley and Bruce Katz — Mon, 17 Jun 2013 00:00:00 -0400

Brookings Institution Press 2013 300pp.

Synopsis:

A revolution is stirring in America. Across the nation cities and metropolitan areas, and the networks of pragmatic leaders who govern them, are taking on the big issues that Washington won’t, or can’t, solve. They are reshaping our economy and fixing our broken political system.

The Metropolitan Revolution is a national movement, and the book describes how it is taking root in New York City, where efforts are under way to diversify the city’s vast economy; in Portland, Oregon, which is selling the “sustainability” solutions it has perfected to other cities around the world; in Northeast Ohio, where groups are using industrial-age skills to invent new twenty-first-century materials, tools, and processes; in Houston, where a modern settlement house helps immigrants climb the employment ladder; in Miami, where innovators are forging strong ties with Brazil and other nations; in Denver and Los Angeles, where leaders are breaking political barriers and building world-class metropolises; and in Boston and Detroit, where innovation districts are hatching ideas to power these economies for the next century.

Bruce Katz and Jennifer Bradley highlight these success stories and the people behind them in order to share lessons and catalyze action. This revolution is happening, and every community in the country can benefit.

The Tour:

The Metropolitan Revolution is going on the road. Bruce Katz and Jennifer Bradley will appear with metropolitan leaders across the country to discuss the book and local innovations underway in each place. The tour will include stops in Berkeley, Chicago, Denver, Detroit, Las Vegas, New York, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, San Francisco, Washington, DC and more.

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Praise for The Metropolitan Revolution:

“The Metropolitan Revolution upends conventional wisdom and makes the case for how our cities and metros are leading American change and progress: they are transforming our national economy, political conversation, and collective destiny from the bottom up like never before. A must-read for anyone working toward a brighter future for our cities and our nation.”
—Mayor Cory Booker

“The Metropolitan Revolution builds on twenty years of studying metropolitan areas and hundreds of thousands of miles traveling to them around the globe, and the result is an exciting guide to the new world economy - urban, networked, innovative, collaborative, and driven by human potential.”
—Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, Henry G. Cisneros

“Being mayor of Chicago is the best job I’ve ever had in public life. Katz and Bradley totally get it: the real power to change America lies in our cities and metros.”
—Mayor Rahm Emanuel

“With paralysis in Washington, public policy solutions will come from successful metropolitan regions, the clinical trials of our future. We are well into this journey, but never has it been explained with such insight and analysis until The Metropolitan Revolution.”
—Governor Jon Huntsman

“Just when ‘by the people, for the people’ seems like an anachronism, cities are giving it new meaning, fueled by twenty-first century technology. Every citizen needs to understand the metropolitan revolution. If we change cities, we change the country.”
—Jennifer Pahlka, Founder and Executive Director, Code for America

“This book captures the energy and excitement bubbling up in cities across America. This is ‘do it yourself’ urbanism of the highest order, and it is altering our landscape and our country.”
—Janette Sadik-Khan, Commissioner, New York City Department of Transportation

“Through real-world examples, The Metropolitan Revolution brings to life how America's cities and suburbs drive innovation to solve problems and seize opportunities. This book is a call to action beyond Washington, where metro leaders join together and simply get stuff done.”
—Mayor Scott Smith

“The Metropolitan Revolution is compelling reading on how our federal system is a powerful advantage in global competitiveness. This book is indispensable for business and elected leaders on realizing the economic potential of metropolitan areas for their citizens and the country.”
—Treasury Secretary, Robert E. Rubin

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Jennifer Bradley

Bruce Katz

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The End of Nostalgia : Mexico Confronts the Challenges of Global Competition

Diana Villiers Negroponte, ed. — Fri, 14 Jun 2013 00:00:00 -0400

Brookings Institution Press 2013 160pp.

Editor Dr. Diana Villiers Negroponte recieved her JD from Georgetown University and practiced law specializing in international law and aviation matters. She played an active role with the U.S. Chamber of Commerce in Mexico during the negotiations for the North American Free Trade Agreement. She has assembled colleagues from both sides of the Rio Grande to examine the steps necessary for this proud nation to continue its momentum toward effective participation in a highly competitive world. With one foot on North America and the other in South America, it is a land in transition, from a one-party political system steeped in a colonial Spanish past toward a modern liberal democracy with open markets.

Excerpt:

In 1993, this author’s speech before an association of engineering companies in Guadalajara on the opportunities presented by the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was greeted with significant criticism. The prospects of competitive trade implied a threat, and all the questions from the audience centered on how their businesses might survive. Twenty years later, the same companies have either gone out of business or adapted to the reality of international trade and global competition.

Metamorphosis is not easy; economic and political transformation, in particular, is hard. However, a proud trading people can find confidence in their heritage.

Today, Mexico has become a manufacturing center, with family-owned companies engaging in international trade and acquiring new technologies. Protectionist regulations are being dismantled, and young business leaders learn colloquial English, study at international business schools, and connect easily with foreigners. The young men and women whom I met over two years at a business summit held in the colonial city of Queretaro are not resigned to the new reality; instead, they seek to thrive in a competitive world. Their network is global, including colleagues encountered at school, at professional conferences, and on social media. They interact with foreigners with enthusiasm; they take on new international contracts with excitement.

But the old ways are hard to eradicate. The yearning for the predictability of government contracts, dependence on political patrons, and reliance on family ties have not disappeared. The authors of these chapters therefore agreed on the need to analyze and relate how the old Mexican system is changing. Metamorphosis is not easy; economic and political transformation, in particular, is hard. However, a proud trading people can find confidence in their heritage. Continued democratization and exposure to foreign competition is inevitable, but efforts to put the brakes on that process should not be ruled out. Therefore this volume is also about protest and conflict deep within the Mexican political economy.

* * *

The End of Nostalgia is available in both hardcover and eBook formats:

What's Inside

Piecing Together the Puzzle of Mexico’s Growth - What happened to the lusty 7% growth of the 1960s and 1970s?
Arturo Franco (Harvard University)
What might explain Mexico’s lack of competitiveness? A comprehensive review of the factors that —rigid labor markets, inadequate infrastructure and access to finance, size of the informal labor sector, high cost of energy, poor education system, and Chinese competition yields no easy answers.

Unlocking Mexico’s Political Gridlock - Is the Mexican legislature a "Siesta Congress?"
Arturo Franco (Harvard University)
In the last 20 years, Mexico has moved from a hegemonic party system under the PRI to a political equilibrium in which the three major political parties together account for 90 percent of the votes but none exceeds 42 percent. Since the election of a president from the PAN in 2000, no president has enjoyed a majority in congress, and coalitions must be formed to pass legislation

Energy Challenges for the Pena Nieto Administration – An examination of the serious decline in petroleum reserves in Mexico
Duncan Wood (Director of the Mexico Institute at Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars)
With corrupt practices, political interference and lack of accountability within PEMEX, the state owned petroleum company, opportunities for natural resources may be missed. Wood presents specific solutions to augment energy supplies and is extraordinarily optimistic about Mexico’s renewable energy potential.

Toward Regional Competitiveness Agenda: U.S.–Mexico Trade and Investments – How trade and investments are strategic drives of the U.S.-Mexico relationship
Christopher Wilson (Mexico Institute of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars)
Mexico is the United States’ second-largest export market, and the United States is Mexico’s largest export destination. However, the high growth rate between bilateral trade and investment has slowed due to the increasingly low cost of labor. Wilson posits how to spur trade and increase regional competitiveness through a Trans-Pacific Partnership.

The Priority of Education in Mexico – An examination of the quantity and quality of education in Mexico
Armando Chacon (Mexican Institute for Competitiveness)
Pena Nieto’s administration has yet to propose a budget that provides the funding needed for critical education reforms. Yet, significant value is added with respect to health, absorption of new technologies, and parenting skills for every additional year of schooling beyond sixth grade. Chacon examines and provides recommendations around improving education public policies.

Security Policy and the Crisis of Violence in Mexico - A critical assessment of current public security in Mexico
Eduardo Guerrero (Lantía Consultores)
Under Presidents Calderón and Peña Nieto, intentional homicides have diminished. But serious problems remain: the slow pace of reforming to criminal justice procedures, inadequate resources to reform the correction system, and inadequate domestic intelligence capabilities. Guerrero presents eight recommendations tailored to address the main sources and consequences of organized crime–related violence.

The Merida Initiative: A Mechanism for Bilateral Cooperation – Tracing the evolution of the Merida Initiative
Diana Villiers Negroponte (The Brookings Institution)
The Merida Initiative has evolved from a mechanism for the delivery of sophisticated, custom-made equipment to being a developer of programs that support training of law enforcement and gang prevention. Now, the Mexican government is reexamining its security policy, and U.S. priorities have also shifted. Negroponte asks if Merida has run its course, and if so, what mechanism should emerge to continue U.S. support and funding.

Mexico and the United States: Where Are We and Where Should We Be? – An expert view on the U.S.-Mexican bilateral relationship
Andres Rozental (Eminent Ambassador of Mexico)
Rozental demonstrates his deep knowledge of the U.S.-Mexican bilateral relationship, based on thirty years of negotiations with the U.S. government on maritime boundaries, nuclear proliferation, border issues, and immigration. Rozental recommends de-scrutinizing the bilateral agenda and prioritizing trade, investment, climate change, and the Trans-Pacific Partnership.

ABOUT THE EDITOR

Diana Villiers Negroponte

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Shooting for a Century : The India-Pakistan Conundrum

Stephen P. Cohen — Wed, 29 May 2013 00:00:00 -0400

Brookings Institution Press 2013 275pp.

Named by the World Affairs Councils of America as one of America’s 500 most influential people in foreign policy, South Asia expert Stephen P. Cohen has been cultivating a 50-year relationship with the region. In Shooting for a Century, Cohen explores the history, the current-day dynamics and potential future of tensions between India and Pakistan. He posits with conditional pessimism that normalization is unlikely. Is cataclysmic conflict inevitable for these two rivals?

Excerpt:

For Pakistanis, the notion of a perpetual conflict means finding a way to live with a more powerful and still-threatening neighbor, strengthening the one technology that assures Pakistan that India will not seek a military victory—nuclear weapons.

When I broach the idea of normalcy to Indians and Pakistanis, as well as Americans, I receive three kinds of responses. Many Americans and some Pakistanis and Indians believe that nothing can be done, that this is an eternal strategic rivalry, what I have called an intractable paired minority conflict. The policy prescription that flows from this judgment is to avoid involvement and hope that time will alleviate some problems. For Indians, this means waiting Pakistan out, avoiding a major conflict, and hoping that the political process in Islamabad will eventually produce a leadership that is willing to address Pakistan’s identity crisis and consider a compromise over Kashmir and other issues. Pakistan’s identity as an Islamic state still threatens Indian pluralism, and when it is given muscle by Pakistan’s intelligence agencies, it becomes a domestic political problem for India, leaving aside the ambivalence of some Indian Muslims.

For Pakistanis, the notion of a perpetual conflict means finding a way to live with a more powerful and still-threatening neighbor, strengthening the one technology that assures Pakistan that India will not seek a military victory—nuclear weapons—while searching for a way to overhaul the economy. From an orthodox Pakistani position, normalization will come if and when India backs off on the key symbolic and strategic issues that have been there for sixty-five years, notably Kashmir. Meanwhile, the Pakistani state will continue to endorse and support elements of the Pakistan identity that make it distinctive, including hatred and fear of India, with a few hawks still arguing that India, not Pakistan, is an artificial state and that Pakistan need only wait until India comes apart.

…India-Pakistan relations have reached a hurting stalemate that strongly resembles the cold war, during which both sides endured decades of crisis and a terrific arms burden until the Soviet Union crumbled.

If the future is to be “more of the same,” then meetings between Indians and Pakistanis will come to the conclusion that nothing can be done, because individually neither side is willing to do anything, and that both sides prefer, as they have for sixty-five years, to wait and watch. Foundations should insist that any Track II dialogues that they fund actually go beyond current government policies and publicly offer new ideas—otherwise they are a waste of time and money.

The second response that I have received—largely from some Americans and Indians—is that Pakistan is a fatally wounded state trying to meet the challenges of the modern era. Normalization will have to be postponed indefinitely. The present era is massively different from the years in which Pakistan was first imagined and then enjoyed substantial international support. It is undergoing complex and unpredictable transformations brought about by global revolutions in the movement of people, goods, and ideas. When faced with these developments, Pakistan, with its 1930s-style identity and emphasis on religion as the tie that holds Pakistanis together, becomes a dysfunctional state. Some Pakistanis understood the significance of the loss of East Pakistan, but the army and the Islamists dismissed it as the result of India’s machinations and Pakistan’s failure in attempting to impose true Islam on its population. This has opened the door to more totalitarian strands of Islamic thinking. Pakistan’s political domination by the India-obsessed military, with its clumsiness at governing a complex state, seals its fate. It may last five years or more, but the end point is evident. Some Pakistanis have already reached this conclusion, as have more and more Indians; the former are looking for careers and homes outside of the country in increasing numbers, while the latter watch with trepidation. A few Indians believe that they only need to wait until Pakistan collapses and then can pick up the pieces.

In the event, India would become the dominant power of Southern Asia. However, many Indians understand that a collapsing Pakistan could also prove fatal to their country. In this view, India-Pakistan relations have reached a hurting stalemate that strongly resembles the cold war, during which both sides endured decades of crisis and a terrific arms burden until the Soviet Union crumbled. Any Indians who think that the rest of the world would manage a “soft” landing for a decaying Pakistan are, I believe, sorely mistaken and gambling on the future of India as well as Pakistan. Still, there remains the naïve hope that Pakistan will somehow vanish, or be peacefully reunited with India in ten or twenty years, the view of a former Supreme Court judge, Markanday Katju, the chair of the Press Council of India. Terming Pakistan a “Jurassic park” or a madhouse, he blamed Jinnah for creating a theocratic state and suggested that Jinnah was an agent of the British, who are to blame for India’s Hindu-Muslim conflicts. Name-calling may be gratifying, but it does not wave away the fact that Pakistan remains a potent and potentially dangerous state as far as India is concerned.

* * *

Shooting for a Century is available in both hardcover and eBook formats:

Praise for the work of Stephen P. Cohen:

"Stephen P. Cohen is America's most seasoned expert on Pakistan. . . .The Idea of Pakistan is impressive in its breadth and scope."—Foreign Affairs

"Stephen Cohen's India: Emerging Power is an objective, lucid, and incisive analysis of India's emerging role in the global village."—Dawn

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Stephen P. Cohen

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Confronting Suburban Poverty in America

Elizabeth Kneebone and Alan Berube — Mon, 20 May 2013 00:00:00 -0400

Brookings Institution Press 2013 184pp.

Video

Presentation - Confronting Suburban Poverty in America

Elizabeth Kneebone and Alan Berube have spent over a decade researching poverty. In 2006, they began work on a report and discovered trends that surprised them. In Confronting Suburban Poverty, they explore the whats, whys and meanings of suburban poverty and what it brings to social issues.

Excerpt:

Buried within our analysis was a trend that struck us as noteworthy: by our calculations, there now seemed to be more poor people in metro areas living outside of big cities than within them.

We first got into the issue of suburban poverty by accident. Other than having grown up in the suburbs like most Americans our age (Elizabeth around Indianapolis; Alan around Worcester, Massachusetts), neither of us ever really studied suburbia very carefully. And each of us today lives in a big city (Washington, D.C.). But in 2006 we wrote a Brookings report about poverty trends in cities and metropolitan areas in the 2000s. Buried within our analysis was a trend that struck us as noteworthy: by our calculations, there now seemed to be more poor people in metro areas living outside of big cities than within them. We spoke with a lot of people about the report, and they had trouble wrapping their heads around that statistic. Admittedly, we did, too.

The changing map of American poverty matters because place matters… Place intersects with core policy issues central to the long-term health and stability of metropolitan areas and to the economic success of individuals and families…”

As poverty becomes increasingly regional in its scope and reach, it challenges conventional approaches that the nation has taken when dealing with poverty in place. Many of those approaches were shaped when President Lyndon B. Johnson declared a national War on Poverty in 1964. At that time, poor Americans were most likely to live in inner-city neighborhoods or sparsely populated rural areas. Fifty years later, public perception still largely casts poverty as an urban or rural phenomenon. Poverty rates do remain higher in cities and rural communities than elsewhere. But for three decades the poor population has grown fastest in suburbs.

The changing map of American poverty matters because place matters. It starts with the metropolitan areas, the regional economies that cut across city and suburban lines and drive the national economy. Place intersects with core policy issues central to the long-term health and stability of metropolitan areas and to the economic success of individuals and families— things like housing, transportation, economic and workforce development, and the provision of education, health, and other basic services. Where people live influences the kinds of educational and economic opportunities and the range of public services available to them, as well as what barriers to accessing those opportunities may exist. The country’s deep history of localism means that, within the same metropolitan area, a resident of one community will not necessarily have the same access to good jobs and quality schools, or even basic health and safety services, as a person in another community, whether across the region or right next door.

Perhaps most emblematic of the fast-growing suburban communities that multiplied in the postwar era were the developments built by Abraham Levitt and his sons William and Alfred. In the Levittowns built on Long Island, and outside Philadelphia (in Bucks County, Pennsylvania, and Willingboro, New Jersey), Levitt and Sons honed their approach to suburban development, using a standardized housing design, preassembled parts, and vertical integration of suppliers to speed production. Regarding these cookie-cutter Cape Cods with a living room, a bathroom, two bedrooms, a kitchen, and a yard, Kenneth Jackson observed, “This early Levitt house was as basic to post World War II suburban development as the Model T had been to the automobile. In each case, the actual design features were less important than the fact that they were mass produced and thus priced within reach of the middle class.” Jackson also noted that while Levitt did not invent many of the techniques he employed, the wide publicity of his developments served to popularize his approach. Large builders in metropolitan areas throughout the country—including developers in Boston, Chicago, Cleveland, Denver, Houston, Los Angeles, Phoenix, San Francisco, and Washington— adopted similar methods.

* * *

Confronting Suburban Poverty is available in both hardcover and eBook formats:

Infographic; What’s Driving the Rapid Rise of Poverty in the Suburbs?:

(Click to expand)

Event:

On May 20, the Metropolitan Policy Program at Brookings hosted an event marking the release of Confronting Suburban Poverty in America, co-authored by Elizabeth Kneebone and Alan Berube. Below, you can watch a piece of the event with Elizabeth Kneebone, as she discusses how the landscape of poverty in America has changed.

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Presentation - Confronting Suburban Poverty in America

In the News:

Read The New York Times Op-Ed on Confronting Suburban Poverty in America »

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Elizabeth Kneebone

Alan Berube

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The Road to War : Presidential Commitments Honored and Betrayed

Marvin Kalb — Fri, 10 May 2013 00:00:00 -0400

Brookings Institution Press 2013 280pp.

If you remember the golden age of broadcast network news, then you probably welcomed Marvin Kalb into your living room on a regular basis. Recruited by Edward R. Murrow to join CBS News, Kalb went on to a distinguished three-decade career with CBS, and then NBC News. In The Road to War, Kalb examines the role of diplomatic commitments made by presidents. These commitments, rather than formal declarations of war, have led one president after another, from Truman to Obama, to order American troops into wars all over the world.

Condensed Excerpt:

Since World War II, presidents have relied more on commitments, public and private, than they have on declarations of war, even though the U.S. Constitution declares rather unambiguously that Congress has the responsibility to “declare war.”

Over the years, presidential commitments have come in different shapes and sizes, suggesting honor and integrity, strength and determination, the word of a president backed by the military power of the United States. No trifling matter, in diplomatic affairs. And yet . . .

Some commitments, such as America’s to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, have been successful and durable, in part because they have been based on solemn treaties ratified by Congress. Another example is America’s commitment to South Korea, also based on a mutual defense treaty, supported by the presence of 28,500 American troops armed with nuclear weapons until December 1991.

Words have consequence. Spoken by a president, they can often become American policy, with or without congressional approval.

South Vietnam represented a very different challenge. It was war by presidential commitment, the United States sliding mindlessly, one administration after another, into a guerrilla war in Indochina, which cost more than 58,000 American lives. Few in Congress or the media questioned the war’s provenance or legitimacy, until it was too late.

Finally, in this book, which focuses on American commitments to South Korea, South Vietnam, and Israel, the one to Israel is perhaps the most fascinating. Here we have an unusually close relationship, culturally, religiously, politically in alignment, more or less, yet one without any basis in a formal treaty linking the interests of one nation to the other. It is based primarily on private presidential letters to Israeli prime ministers, rich with American promises and pledges to Israeli security. Over the years many of the promises have been honored, but some were betrayed, leaving feelings of anxiety among Israeli leaders about the ultimate reliability of an American commitment.

No doubt, presidential commitments are seen as serious, almost sacred, promises to act made by a chief executive on behalf of his administration. And other nations may view these commitments as binding nation-to-nation promises that succeeding administrations will honor, too. But there is a problem. Will they?

In 1982, for example, President Ronald Reagan pledged America’s “iron- clad commitment to the defense of Israel.” The commitment made sense to Reagan at the time, and it has been echoed by one president after another ever since. But does Reagan’s pledge have the same resonance now that it did then? Does it mean that if Israel feels it must bomb Iran to stop its nuclear program that America must join in the attack? Much has to do with trust between leaders and countries. Do Israeli leaders trust President Barack Obama as much as they did Bill Clinton and George W. Bush? These are questions that cut to the heart—and viability—of a presidential commitment.

Words have consequence. Spoken by a president, they can often become American policy, with or without congressional approval. When a president “commits” the United States to a controversial course of action, he may be setting the nation on the road to war or on a road to reconciliation. In matters of national security, his powers have become awesome—his word decisive. Who decides when we go to war? The president decides. As former national security adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski told me, it “all depends” on the president. “It’s his call.” Likewise, it is his decision when and whether, and under what conditions, to support a friendly nation.

In the final analysis, for reasons both political and military, Israel may, on its own, strike Iran. Would it then expect American diplomatic and military support? Obama has strongly implied yes. But, without a mutual defense treaty, there may always be a question about the durability and reliability of a presidential commitment.

A president, such as Barack Obama, for example, pledges that the United States has “an ironclad commitment” to Israel’s security—meaning, one would imagine, that if Israel were attacked, the United States would come to Israel’s defense. Is there anything more to this commitment than a presidential promise? Obviously, yes. Israel enjoys broad-based support from Congress and the American people. For the most part, both nations share common values and common aims. But the president is the key to determining the flow and texture of this delicate relationship.

A question often asked by political leaders in Israel is whether Obama will live up to his word. Will his commitment be honored or betrayed by him or by a successor? The answer to this question can mean war or peace. Might it not be better for both nations to negotiate a formal defense treaty—and, in this way, try to reduce or even eliminate areas of doubt in their relationship? Those who question the value or relevance of a U.S.-Israeli defense treaty point out that in recent years Obama has tried to organize Israeli-Palestinian peace talks only to fail abysmally because of Palestinian objections to Israeli settlements and Israeli insistence on building such settlements in the name of security. How would a treaty resolve these problems, they ask? Indeed, even the effort to negotiate a defense treaty would likely kick up fresh tumult and anxiety among Arab states, which are apt to see a U.S. treaty with Israel as proof that the United States can no longer be counted on as an impartial negotiator.

Another question: Obama has warned, more than once: “Let there be no doubt—America is determined to prevent Iran from getting nuclear weapons.” Though the world has heard this warning, there are still many, especially in the Middle East, who question whether Obama would really use American military power to stop Iran from “getting nuclear weapons,” however that phrase might be defined. It is said in Washington and Jerusalem that never before have Israel and the United States been in closer alignment on stopping Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. True, and yet not quite true. In the final analysis, for reasons both political and military, Israel may, on its own, strike Iran. Would it then expect American diplomatic and military support? Obama has strongly implied yes. But, without a mutual defense treaty, there may always be a question about the durability and reliability of a presidential commitment.

* * *

The Road to War is available in both hardcover and eBook formats:

Praise for The Road to War:

“Every road to war is ultimately also a tragedy. Kalb’s concluding chapter, however, offers a timely and important ray of hope: a defense treaty between the U.S. and Israel in the context of a fair peace settlement between the Israelis and the Palestinians might avoid not just one but even two wars. President Obama should read this chapter.”
—Zbigniew Brzezinski, former U.S. national security adviser

“Marvin Kalb has written a fine book that should be required reading for everyone who wants to be president because it underlines what every president seems not to know in the beginning—that it is much easier to get into war than to get out of it. Terrific insight, carefully researched and clearly written.”
—Bob Schieffer, CBS News

“Kalb raises important questions about the unchecked power of presidents to take the nation to war. His provocative proposal for a U.S.-Israeli defense treaty will certainly add to the debate about the future of U.S. diplomacy in the Middle East.”
—Graham Allison, Harvard University

Before tag at bottom:

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Marvin Kalb

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Healing the Wounded Giant : Maintaining Military Preeminence while Cutting the Defense Budget

Michael E. O'Hanlon — Fri, 03 May 2013 00:00:00 -0400

Brookings Institution Press 2013 120pp.

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Sequestration and U.S. Defense Spending: Healing the Wounded Giant

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Sequestration and U.S. Defense Spending: Healing the Wounded Giant

Synopsis:

Barack Obama may have survived a tenuous economy and a bitter political campaign to secure another four-year term as president, but major partisan debate and division remain. As a Democratic White House and a (majority) Republican House of Representatives tangle perilously close to a “fiscal cliff,” vital priorities hang in the balance. In this, the newest entry in Brookings’ long line of defense budget analyses, Michael O’Hanlon considers the best balance between fiscal responsibility and national security in a period of continued economic stress.

O’Hanlon believes that savings in the range of what Obama proposed in 2012 are the right goal for defense cost reductions in the coming years. He explains why cuts of the magnitude required by sequestration, and those suggested by the Bowles-Simpson and the Rivlin-Domenici plans for greater fiscal health, are too deep on strategic grounds, particularly in light of America’s rebalancing toward Asia and ongoing turbulence in the Middle East.

Excerpt from the book:

"It is important not to latch onto some strategic fad to justify radical cuts in the U.S. Army or Marine Corps. For two decades, since Operation Desert Storm, some have favored “stand-off” warfare featuring long-range strikes from planes and ships as the American military’s main approach to future combat. But it is not possible to address many of the world’s key security challenges that way—including scenarios in places like Korea and South Asia, discussed further below, that could in fact imperil American security. In the 1990s, advocates of a so-called “military revolution” often argued for such an approach to war. But the subsequent decade proved that even with all the progress in sensors and munitions and other military capabilities, the United States still needed forces on the ground to deal with complex insurgencies and other threats."

Op-ed:

Read an op-ed on U.S. Defense Spending from Michael E. O'Hanlon, in The Washington Post »

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Michael E. O'Hanlon

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Getting to Scale : How to Bring Development Solutions to Millions of Poor People

Laurence Chandy, Akio Hosono, Homi Kharas and Johannes F. Linn, eds. — Mon, 15 Apr 2013 00:00:00 -0400

Brookings Institution Press 2013 240pp.

The global development community is teeming with different ideas and interventions to improve the lives of the world’s poorest people. Whether these succeed in having a transformative impact depends not just on their individual brilliance but on whether they can be brought to a scale where they reach millions of poor people.

Getting to Scale explores what it takes to expand the reach of development solutions beyond an individual village or pilot program, but to poor people everywhere. Each of the essays in this book documents one or more contemporary case studies, which together provide a body of evidence on how scale can be pursued. It suggests that the challenge of scaling up can be divided into two: financing interventions at scale, and managing delivery to large numbers of beneficiaries. Neither governments, donors, charities, nor corporations are usually capable of overcoming these twin challenges alone, indicating that partnerships are key to success.

Scaling up is mission critical if extreme poverty is to be vanquished in our lifetime. Getting to Scale provides an invaluable resource for development practitioners, analysts, and students on a topic that remains largely unexplored and poorly understood.

ABOUT THE EDITORS

Laurence Chandy

Akio Hosono

Akio Hosono is the director of the Research Institute of the Japanese International Cooperation Agency.

Homi Kharas

Johannes F. Linn

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Brookings Papers on Economic Activity: Fall 2012

David H. Romer and Justin Wolfers , eds. — Wed, 10 Apr 2013 00:00:00 -0400

Brookings Institution Press 2013 367pp.

Brookings Papers on Economic Activity (BPEA) provides academic and business economists, government officials, and members of the financial and business communities with timely research on current economic issues.

Learn more about the BPEA conference series.Contents:

Political Polarization and the Dynamics of Political Language: Evidence from 130 Years of Partisan Speech
Jacob Jensen (Columbia University), Ethan Kaplan (University of Maryland), Suresh Naidu (Columbia University), and Laurence Wilse-Samson (Columbia University)
The Ins and Outs of Forecasting Unemployment: Using Labor Force Flows to Forecast the Labor Market
Regis Barnichon (Centre de Recerca en Economia Internacional, Barcelona) and Christopher J. Nekarda (Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System)
Winning the War: Poverty from the Great Society to the Great Recession
Bruce D. Meyer (University of Chicago) and James X. Sullivan (University of Notre Dame)
The Reversal of the Employment-Population Ratio in the 2000s: Facts and Explanations
Robert A. Moffitt (Johns Hopkins University)
What Have They Been Thinking? Homebuyer Behavior in Hot and Cold Markets
Karl E. Case (Wellesley College), Robert J. Shiller (Yale University), and Anne K. Thompson (McGraw-Hill Construction)
Capital Controls: Gates versus Walls
Michael W. Klein (Tufts University)

ABOUT THE EDITORS

David H. Romer

Justin Wolfers

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The Thistle and the Drone : How America’s War on Terror Became a Global War on Tribal Islam

Akbar Ahmed — Tue, 05 Mar 2013 00:00:00 -0500

Brookings Institution Press 2013 424pp.

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On March 14, Brookings hosted the launch of The Thistle and the Drone with a presentation by author and Brookings Nonresident Senior Fellow Akbar Ahmed, and a panel discussion with Sally Quinn, editor-in-chief of the Washington Post’s "On Faith," and former Pakistani minister Mowahid Shah. See video clips from the launch event»
You can watch an introductory video to the March 14 launch featuring commentary by Ambassador Anthony Quainton, Diplomat in Residence at American University, and Khalid Aziz, Former Chief Secretary North-West Frontier Province, Pakistan. You can also read coverage of the event in The Nation. Watch the video here »
For more from Akbar Ahmed on The Thistle and the Drone, read his post on Brookings Up Front Blog.

The United States declared war on terrorism in the wake of the 9/11 attacks. More than ten years later, the results are decidedly mixed. In The Thistle and the Drone, world-renowned author, diplomat, and scholar Akbar Ahmed reveals a tremendously important yet largely unrecognized adverse effect of these campaigns: they actually have exacerbated the already-broken relationship between central governments and the tribal societies on their periphery.

As this groundbreaking study demonstrates, it is the conflict between the center and the periphery and the involvement of the United States that has fueled the war on terror. No one is immune to this violence—neither school children nor congregations in their houses of worship. Battered by military or drone strikes one day and suicide bombers the next, people on the periphery say, “Every day is like 9/11 for us.”

In the third volume of his trilogy that includes Journey into Islam (2007) and Journey into America (2010), Ahmed draws on forty current case studies for this analysis. The United States, dominated by ideas of a “clash of civilizations” and “security,” has become directly or indirectly involved with these societies. Although al Qaeda has been decimated, the U.S. is drifting into a global war against tribal societies on the periphery of nations. Beginning with Waziristan in Pakistan and expanding to similar tribal societies in Central Asia, the Middle East, North Africa, and elsewhere, he offers an alternative and unprecedented paradigm for winning the war on terror.

WATCH: Professor Ahmed traces the history of tribal Pakistan »
Listen to Professor Ahmed discuss The Thistle and the Drone with Steve Inskeep on NPR »
Listen to an interview with Maureen Fielder and Professor Ahmed, on Interfaith Voices »

Praise for The Thistle and the Drone:
“In the end, I was close to tears. Lagrimas caudales or “flowing tears,” to use the apposite phrase of Blas de Otero, seems to be what the book’s conclusions lead to. Thus lagrimas for the tribes, for the soldiers, and for the United States. Professor Ahmed gives us the only way out of this dangerous dilemma, a way to coexist with the thistle without the drone.”—Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson, former chief of staff to Secretary of State Colin Powell and Professor of Government and Public Policy at the College of William and Mary

"The Thistle and the Drone is a must read. It unveils what few understand and demythologizes the war on terror for what it is; a failed, overly simplified response to the highly complex role that tribalism plays in America's war on terror."—The Right Reverend John Bryson Chane D.D., The 8th Episcopal Bishop of Washington DC, Senior Advisor, Interfaith Relations, Washington National Cathedral

"Professor Ahmed combines a clear professional anthropological expertise with an equally clear, critical and humane moral perspective. This is an unusual and groundbreaking book, which should be compulsory reading for Western governments."—Dr. Rowan Williams, former Archbishop of Canterbury and Master of Magdalene College, University of Cambridge, UK

“Yet another brilliantly written masterpiece—a must-read for all, particularly Muslims who have an interest in understanding the roots of the conflicts that go back in history but have become accentuated since 9/11. Only Akbar Ahmed can give us these insights into the post-modern era we live in and the conflicts that bedevil our times through this highly readable and deeply engaging narrative."—Jafer Qureshi, Co-convenor of the UK Action Committee on Islamic Affairs

"In this groundbreaking and startling book, Akbar Ahmed bravely uncovers an inconvenient truth, a fearful reality which endangers us all and in which we are all implicated. It should be required reading for those working in the media, policy-making and education—and, indeed, for anybody who wishes to understand our tragically polarised world."—Karen Armstrong, author of The Case for God

Read about The Thistle and the Drone at The Washington Post »

Read about The Thistle and the Drone at Time »

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Akbar Ahmed

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Avoiding Armageddon : America, India, and Pakistan to the Brink and Back

Bruce Riedel — Wed, 06 Feb 2013 00:00:00 -0500

Brookings Institution Press 2013 230pp.

This book is being released at a Tuesday, February 26 event hosted by the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings.

India and Pakistan will be among the most important countries in the twenty-first century. In Avoiding Armageddon, Bruce Riedel clearly explains the challenge and the importance of successfully managing America’s affairs with these two emerging powers and their toxic relationship.

Born from the British Raj, the two nations share a common heritage, but they are different in many important ways. India is already the world’s largest democracy and will soon become the planet’s most populous nation. Pakistan, soon to be the fifth most populous country, has a troubled history of military coups, dictators, and harboring terrorists such as Osama bin Laden.

The longtime rivals are nuclear powers, with tested weapons. They have fought four wars with each other and have gone to the brink of war several times. Meanwhile, U.S. presidents since Franklin Roosevelt have been increasingly involved in the region’s affairs. In the past two decades alone, the White House has intervened several times to prevent nuclear confrontation on the subcontinent. South Asia clearly is critical to American national security, and the volatile relationship between India and Pakistan is the crucial factor determining whether the region can ever be safe and stable.

Based on extensive research and Riedel’s role in advising four U.S. presidents on the region, Avoiding Armageddon reviews the history of American diplomacy in South Asia, the crises that have flared in recent years, and the prospects for future crisis. Riedel provides an in-depth look at the Mumbai terrorist attack in 2008, the worst terrorist outrage since 9/11, and he concludes with authoritative analysis on what the future is likely to hold for America and the South Asia puzzle as well as recommendations on how Washington should proceed.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Bruce Riedel

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Mr. Putin : Operative in the Kremlin

Fiona Hill and Clifford G. Gaddy — Fri, 01 Feb 2013 00:00:00 -0500

Brookings Institution Press 2013 390pp.

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On February 6, the Center on the United States and Europe at Brookings hosted the launch of Mr. Putin: Operative in the Kremlin by Brookings Senior Fellows Fiona Hill and Clifford G. Gaddy. * A Brookings FOCUS book

Who is Vladimir Putin? Observers have described him as a "man from nowhere"—someone without a face, substance, or soul. In Mr. Putin, Russia experts Fiona Hill and Clifford Gaddy argue that Putin is in fact a man of many and complex identities. Drawing on a range of sources, including their own personal encounters, they describe six that are most essential: the Statist, the History Man, the Survivalist, the Outsider, the Free Marketeer, and the Case Officer. Understanding Putin’s multiple dimensions is crucial for policymakers trying to decide how best to deal with Russia.

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Hill and Gaddy trace the identities back to formative experiences in Putin’s past, including his early life in Soviet Leningrad, his KGB training and responsibilities, his years as deputy mayor in the crime and corruptionridden city of St. Petersburg, his first role in Moscow as the “operative” brought in from the outside by liberal reformers in the Kremlin to help control Russia’s oligarchs, and his time at the helm of a resurgent Russian state. The authors then examine the nature of the political system Putin has built, explaining it as a logical result of these six identities.

Vladimir Putin has his own idealized view of himself as CEO of "Russia, Inc." But rather than leading a transparent public corporation, he runs a closed boardroom, not answerable to its stakeholders. Now that his corporation seems to be in crisis, with political protests marking Mr. Putin’s return to the presidency in 2012, will the CEO be held accountable for its failings?

"For more than a dozen years—the equivalent of three American presidential terms—Vladimir Putin has presided over the largest nation on the planet, the second most powerful nuclear arsenal, and massive natural resources. Yet there is still debate about who he really is. Fiona Hill and Clifford Gaddy have gone a long way in answering that question, starting with the title, which makes a crucial point: even though 'Mr. Putin' was, in his upbringing and early career, a prototype of the Soviet man, he’s no longer ‘Comrade Putin.’ His aim is not the restoration of communism. He has made a deal with the capitalists who have thrived in Russia over the past two decades: they support him in the exercise of his political power, and he supports them in amassing their fortunes.”—from the foreword by Strobe Talbott

Praise for the book:

"Of the many biographies of Vladimir Putin that have appeared in recent years, this one is the most useful, particularly to foreign-policy makers..."
—Robert Legvold in Foreign Affairs

"As experienced students of modern Russia, Fiona Hill and Clifford Gaddy are exceptionally well qualified to explain the experiences and influences which shaped the mind of Vladimir Putin, the President who came from nowhere to assert control of a vast and complex country. Theirs is a tough analysis. Not everyone will agree with every aspect. But, if you want to begin to understand Russia today, read this book."
—Sir John Scarlett, former Chief of the British Secret Intelligence Service (MI6)

"For anyone wishing to understand Russia’s evolution since the breakup of the Soviet Union and its trajectory since then, the book you hold in your hand is an essential guide. Essential because to a very large degree the country’s most recent history is a reflection of the influence of one man, Vladimir Putin. By skillfully dissecting his various ‘identities,’ showing how these have been reflected in Russian policies and how they may be inadequate to emerging challenges, Hill and Gaddy illuminate not only the recent past but offer a tantalizing glimpse of what the future may hold."
—John McLaughlin, former Deputy Director of U.S. Central Intelligence

"A meticulous psychological portrait of Vladimir Putin and of the highly personalized state he has molded. How Vladimir Putin sees himself is key to how his system works, but, after twelve years of Putin Power, the nation and the people he leads have changed while Putin himself has not. Can Putin reinvent himself? Hill and Gaddy say Russia’s new urban middle class wants more than a ‘political performance artist."
—Jill Dougherty, former Moscow Bureau Chief, CNN

"In this well-written and genuinely entertaining volume, Hill and Gaddy take us behind the theatrics and the rumors to give us a clear and intriguing view of the man himself. They have looked into Putin’s eyes and seen . . . a multiplicity of identities, all of which made him what he is today, and all of which tell us something about the Russia he continues to rule. This book is mandatory reading for the president and his advisers."
—Robert Kagan, author of The World America Made

Read about Mr. Putin at The Economist »
Read about Mr. Putin at the guardian »

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Fiona Hill

Clifford G. Gaddy

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Uncharted Strait : The Future of China-Taiwan Relations

Richard C. Bush III — Tue, 29 Jan 2013 00:00:00 -0500

Brookings Institution Press 2013 319pp.

The future of the Taiwan Strait is more wide open than at any other time in recent decades. Tensions between China and Taiwan have eased since 2008, but the movement toward full rapprochement remains fragile. Whether the two sides of the Strait can sustain and expand a cooperative relationship after decades of mutual distrust and fear is still uncertain.

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In Uncharted Strait, Richard Bush, who specialized in Taiwan issues during almost twenty years in the U.S. government, explains the current state of relations between China and Taiwan. He discusses what led to the current situation and then extrapolates the likely future of cross-Strait relations. Bush also explains America’s stake, analyzing possible ramifications for U.S. interests in the critically important East Asia region as well as recommending steps to protect those interests.

As Bush explains, current engagement between Beijing and Taipei increases the likelihood of a peaceful long-term solution to their six-decade dispute. Whether, when, and how that might happen, however, is shrouded in uncertainty. The Taiwan Strait is now uncharted water, and both shores worry about the shoals that may lurk below the surface. China still fears the island’s permanent separation, either because it makes an overt move to de jure independence or continues to refuse unification on Beijing’s terms. Taiwan fears subordination to an authoritarian regime, an adversary from the past that may not have its best interests at heart. And the United States fears instability in East Asia.

Contents

Introduction
Historical Context
Political Context
Setting the Analytical Stage
Economic Stabilization
Political Stabilization
Security Stabilization
PRC Pressure
Ma’s Second Term
Can Taiwan Strengthen Itself?
Implications for the United States

Praise for the work of Richard Bush:

“Perils of Proximity is a superb blend of synthesis and analysis that will appeal to both specialists and lay readers. A significant addition to the field!”
—Dr. David M. Finkelstein, Vice President, Center for Naval Analyses

With Untying the Knot, “Richard Bush has written the most comprehensive English-language accountof the vicissitudes of cross-Strait relations.”
—Pacific Affairs

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Richard C. Bush III

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New Paradigms for Financial Regulation: Emerging Market Perspectives

Masahiro Kawai and Eswar Prasad, eds. — Thu, 27 Dec 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Brookings Institution Press 2012 300pp.

The global financial crisis has led to a sweeping reevaluation of financial market regulation and macroeconomic policies. Emerging markets need to balance the goals of financial development and broader financial inclusion with the imperative of strengthening macroeconomic and financial stability. The third in a series on emerging markets, New Paradigms for Financial Regulation develops new analytical frameworks and provides policy prescriptions for how the frameworks should be adapted to a world of more free and more volatile capital.

This volume provides an overview of the global regulatory landscape from the perspective of Asian emerging markets. The contributors discuss the many challenges ahead in developing sound and flexible financial regulatory systems for emerging market economies. The challenges are heightened by the rising integration of these economies into global trade and finance, the growing sophistication of their financial systems as globalization and emergence processes accelerate, and their potential vulnerability to instability arising from the financial markets in the advanced economies.

The contributors provide guidance about pitfalls to be avoided, general principles that should guide the creation of sound regulatory systems, and valuable analytic perspectives about how to continue to broaden the financial sector and innovate while still maintaining financial and macroeconomic stability.

Specific topics covered by the volume include:

Implications of global regulatory changes for emerging markets, with particular emphasis on Asian emerging markets
Effective design of regulatory and policy frameworks to promote financial system development and stability
Monetary policy frameworks to enhance financial stability and international policy coordination
Principles for a sound global regulatory architecture

This is the third in a series of books edited by Kawai and Prasad—copublished with the Asian Development Bank Institute—on international financial regulation and reform in the wake of global crisis, focusing on emerging markets. The first two books in the series are Asian Perspectives on Financial Sector Reforms and Regulation and Financial Market Regulation and Reforms in Emerging Markets.

ABOUT THE EDITORS

Masahiro Kawai

Masahiro Kawai is dean of the Asian Development Bank Institute and a former chief economist for the World Bank’s East Asia and the Pacific region.

Eswar Prasad

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Arming without Aiming: India's Military Modernization, Revised with a New Preface

Stephen P. Cohen and Sunil Dasgupta — Wed, 05 Dec 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Brookings Institution Press 2012 223pp.

India has long been motivated to modernize its military, and it now has the resources. But so far, the drive to rebuild has lacked a critical component—strategic military planning. India’s approach of arming without strategic purpose remains viable, however, as it seeks great-power accommodation of its rise and does not want to appear threatening. What should we anticipate from this effort in the future, and what are the likely ramifications? Stephen Cohen and Sunil Dasgupta answer those crucial questions in a book so timely that it reached number two on the nonfiction bestseller list in India.

“Two years after the publication of Arming without Aiming, our view is that India’s strategic restraint and its consequent institutional arrangement remain in place. We do not want to predict that India’s military-strategic restraint will last forever, but we do expect that the deeper problems in Indian defense policy will continue to slow down military modernization.”—from the preface to the paperback edition

Praise for Arming without Aiming:

"Much has been made of the emergence of India on the global stage. In Arming without Aiming, Cohen and Dasgupta provide an expert assessment of what India’s rise means for its unevenly modernizing military, which is destined to become the third largest in the world. Anyone with an interest in the growing rivalry between India and China, or in the impact that a stronger, although still extraordinarily outdated, Indian military will mean for U.S.-India ties, should read this. This is an important book on an important subject, which is likely to remain unparalleled for many years."
—Edward Luce, Washington bureau chief, Financial Times

"India’s rise to power will remain incomplete until it acquires, and develops, the capacity to effectively utilize the full panoply of military power. Although India has made impressive strides in this direction in recent years, Stephen Cohen’s and Sunil Dasgupta’s Arming without Aiming demonstrates how much still needs to be done. This cautionary tale will be required reading for all those concerned about Indian defense policy and military modernization."
—Ashley J. Tellis, Senior Associate, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace

"The book is an empathetic, objective, and comprehensive narration and analysis of the evolution of Indian defense policy and management. The Indian strategic establishment is groping to find ways and means of safeguarding its progress toward becoming a twenty-first-century knowledge power in an international community still dominated by strategic thought from the World War II era. Steve Cohen and Sunil Dasgupta have brought into bold relief this somewhat inchoate and as yet not fully formulated effort. This will be a required reading for all senior service officers, civil servants, politicians, and academics engaged in Indian security."
—K. Subrahmanyam, Indian defense expert

ABOUT THE AUTHORS

Stephen P. Cohen

Sunil Dasgupta

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Economia Fall 2012 : Journal of the Latin American and Caribbean Economic Association, Volume 13, Number 1

Raquel Bernal, Roberto Rigoban, Rodrigo R. Soares and Ugo Panizza, eds. — Fri, 30 Nov 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Brookings Institution Press 2012 175pp.

This semiannual journal from the Latin American and Caribbean Economic Association (LACEA) provides a forum for influential economists and policymakers to share high-quality research directly applied to policy issues within and among those countries.

Tentative contents include:

"Price and Financial Stability in Modern Central Banking"
Jose De Gregorio (Central Bank of Chile)
"Foreign Entry and the Mexican Banking System, 1997–2007"
Stephen Haber (Stanford University) and Aldo Musacchio (Harvard Business School)
"Temporary Aggregation in Political Budget Cycles"
Jorge Streb and Daniel Lema (CEMA)

ABOUT THE EDITORS

Raquel Bernal

Raquel Bernal is an Associate Professor of labor economics and econometrics in the Economics Department at Universidad de los Andes in Bogotá, Colombia.

Roberto Rigoban

Roberto Rigoban is currently an associate professor at the Sloan School of Management, MIT, a faculty research fellow of the National Bureau of Economic Research, and a visiting professor at IESA.

Rodrigo R. Soares

Rodrigo R. Soares is currently Associate Professor of Economics at the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro (PUC-Rio); affiliated fellow at the Brazilian Academy of Sciences; research fellow at the Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA, Germany), and research affiliate at Abdul Latif Jameel Poverty Action Lab, Latin America Office (J-PAL Latin America).

Ugo Panizza

Ugo Panizza is the Chief of the Debt and Finance Analysis Unit in the Division on Globalization and Development Strategies of UNCTAD. He is also a Lecturer at the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies of the University of Geneva, where he teaches econometrics and development economics.

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