Brookings: Experts - Cynthia P. Schneider

U.S. Embassy Learns a Hard Lesson About Twitter

Cynthia P. Schneider — Wed, 10 Apr 2013 00:00:00 -0400

Old and new diplomacy clashed in the flare-up between Egypt and the United States over the arrest and interrogation of Bassem Youssef -- considered the "Jon Stewart of Egypt" -- who skewers politicians of all stripes on his popular TV show, El Bernameg.

In the world of traditional diplomacy, governments had more control over what was said about them and by whom. As the Egyptian and U.S. governments discovered the hard way, that control is long gone in the world of 21st century diplomacy with its 24/7 social media and powerful nongovernmental voices.

When Youssef, accused of insulting President Mohamed Morsy and Islam, was summoned for questioning by the Morsy-appointed prosecutor general, this latest repressive action by the Muslim Brotherhood government sparked an international outcry.

The response from the United States came in two forms. First, the State Department expressed "concern" about Youssef's detention, citing it as "evidence of a disturbing trend of growing restrictions on the freedom of expression" in Egypt. Then, Jon Stewart mounted an eloquent -- and humorous -- defense of Bassem Youssef and freedom of expression through that well-known diplomatic channel, "The Daily Show."

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Authors

Cynthia P. Schneider

Publication: CNN

Image Source: © Asmaa Waguih / Reuters

U.S. Gets It Wrong on Egypt Again

Cynthia P. Schneider — Fri, 25 Jan 2013 00:00:00 -0500

Protests planned around Egypt -- particularly in Cairo's Tahrir Square -- on the second anniversary of the January 25 revolution are expected to be an explosion of dissent, revealing the deep divisions in the country between President Mohamed Morsy and the Egyptian people.

Opposition to Morsy's authoritarianism is broader than the world recognizes. In making accommodations for Morsy's government, the United States is -- once again -- out of step with the Egyptian people.

Egyptians may not know exactly what they want, but they know what they don't want. Although an effective political opposition has yet to coalesce, Egyptians from all sectors of society are united in their refusal to accept another repressive regime.

Egypt is on a collision course. An ever growing, if periodically discouraged, portion of the population opposes the government and Morsy's Muslim Brotherhood, and supports the revolution's goals of social and economic justice, accountable government, and basic freedoms, including freedom of expression and protection of minorities. Yet the government is moving in exactly the opposite direction, with its authoritarian control over political, social, and religious life.

The government's investigation of the wildly popular "Egyptian Jon Stewart" Bassem Youssef -- charged with insulting Morsy and undermining his command -- and the forced "retirement" of respected journalist Hani Shukrallah, editor of state-owned Al-Ahram's English-language website, are just two very public examples of the vice tightening on freedom of expression.

In fact, the Arab Network for Human Rights says about 24 lawsuits for insulting Morsy have been filed against journalists and activists since his election in June.

The regime is trying to put the revolution genie back in the bottle. But it is clamping down on a population that has discovered its voice. In opposition to this repression, Egyptians at all levels are increasingly engaged in politics.

A Cairo cab driver -- ever the measure of popular sentiment -- recently debated the failings of the Constitution with a passenger. After reaching the destination, the driver leapt out, grabbed a dogeared copy of the Constitution he kept in the front seat, and pointed to a passage to prove his point to his passenger.

The December demonstrations against President Morsy and the Muslim Brotherhood-backed Constitution, which attracted an even broader segment of the population than those who stood in Tahrir Square in 2011, revealed the broadening chasm between the regime and the people in Egypt.

Assembled outside the Presidential Palace were old and young, veiled and unveiled, rich and poor. Whether they arrived in chauffeur-driven cars or whether they marched from Cairo's outlying shantytowns, the hundreds of thousands joined together in their refusal to accept a state that squashed the dreams of the revolution and dictated political, social, and religious behavior.

Many call the second wave of the revolution in the fall of 2012 the "Mothers' Revolution." Parents and grandparents went into the streets to protest the divided loyalties in their families between the Islamists (Brotherhood or Salafis) and those supporting a democratic, secular Egypt. In Egypt, secular means freedom from state control of religion, not nonreligious.

The clash between these two visions of Egypt -- secular with freedom and social justice, or a religious state run by the Brotherhood with its version of Sharia law -- played out inside families and on the

The clash between these two visions of Egypt -- secular with freedom and social justice, or a religious state run by the Brotherhood with its version of Sharia law -- played out inside families and on the streets.

Soldiers protecting the Presidential Palace during the December demonstrations were moved to tears when an Egyptian woman, referring to Morsy, shouted at them, "Why are you protecting this man who is pitting Egyptians against each other?"

Mohamed El Gindy, a successful businessman who opposes Morsy and spent much of December camping in Tahrir with the young revolutionaries, has experienced this division within families firsthand. A relative who had joined the Salafis informed him that the extreme Islamist group had put El Gindy at No. 5 on its "hit list," which is widely believed by Egyptians to exist. The relative was unapologetic until El Gindy told him that he might as well put El Gindy's mother on the list, too, since the octogenarian also had joined the street protests.

Egypt and its families may be divided, but on one subject, all are united -- in the belief that the United States is supporting the Muslim Brotherhood-dominated government.

Visible in the throngs at the December demonstrations were signs opposing Qatar and the United States -- yes, the U.S. and Qatar were lumped together as supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood regime.

"This is such a historic opportunity to restore the image of the U.S., but instead it is putting itself in the same position as Qatar. ... And this from President Obama -- so disappointing," Riham Bahi, a professor at American University in Cairo, said, reflecting views heard repeatedly last December in Egypt.

Opposition leader and blogger Bassem Sabry was even more blunt: "With the Constitution in play, you are subsidizing an Islamist state." Sabry said he was always pro-U.S. "until the revolution."

In addition, the Pentagon plans to proceed with the delivery of 20 F-16 jets to Egypt, a step that looks to Egyptians like a vote of confidence in Morsy. Unchanged since the revolution, U.S. aid policy toward Egypt still makes the military alliance its priority.

Two years after the Egyptian Revolution, the U.S. government finds itself again backing an authoritarian regime against the popular will. As January 25 approaches, with massive protests planned against Morsy's government, this is a precarious position for both the U.S. and Egypt.

In his second term, Obama should adopt a more agile and informed policy toward Egypt, one that matches the words often heard from the White House -- "The United States always has stood with the Egyptian people" -- with action.

Authors

Cynthia P. Schneider

Publication: CNN.com

Image Source: © Amr Dalsh / Reuters

Music and Art in a Changing Pakistan

Thu, 11 Oct 2012 14:30:00 -0400

Event Information

October 11, 2012
2:30 PM - 4:00 PM EDT

The Brookings Institution
1775 Massachusetts Ave., NW
Washington, DC

On October 11, the Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World hosted a discussion with the award winning musical duo of Zebunnisa Bangash and Haniya Aslam and Arif Rafiq, adjunct scholar at the Middle East Institute. The panel was moderated by Cynthia Schneider, distinguished professor in the practice of diplomacy, Georgetown University and a nonresident senior fellow at the Brookings Institution. Durriya Badani, deputy director of the Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World, delivered welcoming and introductory remarks.

Cynthia Schneider, Zebunnisa Bangash and Haniya Aslam

The popular duo, “Zeb and Haniya” have recently been in the United States as cultural exchange Ambassadors on behalf of the U.S. Department of State, sharing their insights about the significant role that music and musicians are playing amidst the increasingly conservative climate in Pakistan. As young Pashtun women, the duo shared their perspective on the initial difficulties of attaining recognition. However, to their surprise and delight the influence and impact of their music has now reached well beyond the boundaries of Pakistan, and into Uzbekistan, India, Iran and Afghanistan.

Arif Rafiq stressed the fact that the average American fails to familiarize him/herself about other cultures and societies beyond what is portrayed in the media. Rafiq reminded audiences that, “the cultural fluidity expressed in Zeb’s and Haniya’s music contradicts the conventional image of Pakistan.” In a country where 70 percent of the population is comprised of youth, it is important to recognize and support emerging positive agents of change in a country embroiled in violence, conflict and political instability.

Zebunnisa Bangash, Haniya Aslam and Arif Rafiq

Participants listen to the panelists discuss the impact of art on change in Pakistan

Participants

Panelists

Cynthia P. Schneider

Nonresident Senior Fellow, Foreign Policy, Saban Center for Middle East Policy, U.S. Relations with the Islamic World

Will Egypt's New President Be a Reformer?

Cynthia P. Schneider and Khaled Abol Naga — Tue, 21 Aug 2012 00:00:00 -0400

Just as Egypt's revolution took the world by surprise, so did President Mohamed Morsy's unexpected assertion of presidential power so soon after he came into office.

On August 12, Morsy forced Field Marshal Mohammed Tantawi and his heir apparent, Lt. Gen. Sami Anan, to retire. No one was prepared for Morsy, a former leader of the Muslim Brotherhood, to pull the proverbial rug out from under the two most powerful and widely hated military officials and to reassert civilian power. In hindsight, Morsy foreshadowed his move against the military in his inaugural speech when he declared that "no institution is above the state."

In what has become almost second nature in Egypt since the revolution, people took to the streets to express their political views. Following Morsy's announcement, Tahrir Square was instantly filled with supporters -- a powerful reminder of who motivated Morsy to make his bold move.

While ordinary people have shown their approval, the same forces that supported Hosni Mubarak's regime now insinuate that Morsy has taken his first step toward dictatorship. They dismiss the possibility that Morsy is fulfilling hopes of the revolution that brought him to power, and that he has a right to claim powers that come with his presidency.

Read the full article at cnn.com »

Authors

Cynthia P. Schneider
Khaled Abol Naga

Publication: CNN.com

Image Source: © Mohamed Abd El Ghany / Reuters

2012 U.S.-Islamic World Forum

Mon, 28 May 2012 00:00:00 -0400

Event Information

May 28-31, 2012

Qatar
Doha

Read the 2012 working group and long conversation papers »

See the forum agenda for details on sessions and speakers.

The 2012 U.S.-Islamic World Forum, convened by the Brookings Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World, housed within the Saban Center for Middle East Policy, in partnership with the State of Qatar, took place in Doha, Qatar, on May 29-31. The theme for the forum was, "New Voices, New Directions," emphasizing the challenge of change. Policy makers and officials, thought leaders and activists, and entrepreneurs and journalists met during sessions to facilitate productive dialogue concerning problems faced in U.S. relations with the Islamic world.

In 2011, the forum took place in the midst of the “Arab Awakening” and the dramatic changes that continue to transform the Middle East and North Africa. From Tunisia to Egypt to Yemen, ordinary citizens made possible extraordinary political and social changes. The 2012 forum examined the impact of these changes and continuing challenges posed for Muslim communities around the globe, including in South and Southeast Asia, as well as strategic implications for the United States.

During the three days of the forum there were a variety of formats for candid dialogue and engagement:

A series of keynote speeches at the opening gala dinner from world leaders on the challenges confronting Muslim communities around the globe and their relations with the United States.
Three plenary sessions of fast-paced, in-depth discussions among prominent international figures on broad thematic issues: political, social, and geostrategic change in the Muslim world.
Two panel discussions featuring experts on key issues: the 2012 U.S. presidential elections and the role of arts and culture in social change.
A set of four small working groups that brought together practitioners from specific fields to develop practical partnerships and policy recommendations presented in papers published by the Brookings Institution.
The 2012 signature event, “The Long Conversation,” is an effort to explore the dynamic relationship between citizen, religion, and the state in a changing world. The resulting policy paper incorporates discussion amongst forum participants during this off the record session.

Video

Event Materials

Participants

Panelists

Khaled Abol Naga

Actor, Producer, and UNICEF Goodwill Ambassador

Naif Al-Mutawa

Founder and Chief Executive Officer, Teshkeel Media Group

Hossam Bahgat

Founder and Director, Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights

Anies Baswedan

Rector, Paramadina University

Endy Bayuni

Senior Editor, Jakarta Post

Saeb Erekat

Chief Negotiator, Palestinian Liberation Organization

Nabil Fahmy

Founding Dean, School of Global Affairs and Public Policy, American University in Cairo

William A. Galston

Ezra K. Zilkha Chair and Senior Fellow

Rached Ghannouchi

Co-Founder, Ennahdha

Stephen Grand

Director and Fellow

Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu

Secretary General, Organization of Islamic Cooperation

Martin Indyk

Colin Kahl

Associate Professor, Georgetown University
Senior Fellow, Center for a New American Security

Hina Rabbani Khar

Foreign Minister, Pakistan

Dalia Mogahed

Executive Director and Senior Analyst, Gallup Center for Muslim Studies

Saad Mohseni

Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, MOBY Group

Rami Nashashibi

Executive Director, Inner-City Muslim Action Network

Iqbal Noor Ali

Senior Advisor, Aga Khan Development Network

Walter Parkes

Film Producer and Writer, Parkes/MacDonald Productions

Kori Schake

Research Fellow, Hoover Institution
Associate Professor of International Security Studies, United States Military Academy

Cynthia Schneider

Nonresident Senior Fellow

Shibley Telhami

Nonresident Senior Fellow

Egypt's Military Must Stop Torturing Detainees

Cynthia P. Schneider and Khaled Abol Naga — Tue, 22 May 2012 00:00:00 -0400

As Egyptians prepare for their milestone presidential election this week, thousands of activist youths who spearheaded the revolution—the very ones who made the election possible—will not be casting a vote. Instead, they are in prison, facing military trials.

On May 4, more than 350 protesters, including 16 women and 10 children, were arrested near Defense Ministry in the Abbaseya neighborhood of Cairo, adding to the approximately 12,000 political prisoners detained since the Revolution.

The Abbaseya protesters fortunate enough to be released from detention have revealed horrific stories of torture and abuse at the hands of military officers. Interrogators hurled abusive insults at them and said sarcastically that any future president would be working under the orders of the ruling military council, better known as the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces.

Read the full article »

Authors

Cynthia P. Schneider
Khaled Abol Naga

Publication: CNN.com

Image Source: Amr Dalsh / Reuters

As Repression in Egypt Grows, U.S. Must Back Fair Vote

Cynthia P. Schneider — Mon, 07 May 2012 00:00:00 -0400

That the road from revolution to a new Egypt is arduous and twisting comes as no surprise. But few expected that today, one month from presidential elections, Egypt would be moving toward more repression and less accountability than under the deposed dictator Hosni Mubarak.

Egypt's crackdown on human-rights organizations, the prosecution and sentencing of the comic actor Adel Imam and the notorious imposition of Article 28, which removes the basic rights of citizens to challenge anything about the upcoming presidential election, create a trifecta of repression.

Blood is being spilled on Cairo's streets once again, with up to 20 dead and counting, plus scores wounded by thugs attacking protesters outside the Ministry of Defense. The Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF) is consolidating its power. With the leading human rights organizations -- Freedom House, National Democratic Institute, International Republic Institute, the International Center for Journalists and the Konrad Adenauer Foundation -- facing prosecution, oversight of the elections will be minimal at best. The government is eroding the power of civil society to help build a truly democratic Egypt.

Read the full article »

Authors

Cynthia P. Schneider

Publication: CNN.com

Image Source: Mohamed Abd El Ghany / Reuters

Empowering Egyptian Women Through Music

Cynthia P. Schneider — Mon, 26 Mar 2012 00:00:00 -0400

"I entered this competition because I wanted to represent the generation that witnessed the revolution, and let people know what's happening,' explained 14-year-old Zain Abed before she launched into a robust rendition of James Morrison's "Up," her entry into the "Sing Egyptian Women" contest. The U.S. Embassy in Cairo partnered with Share the Mic, a company that strategically matches emerging artists with non-profit causes, to develop the contest as a means to empower Egyptian women.

Wait a minute; the U.S. Embassy is co-sponsoring an American-Idol style contest to empower Egyptian women? What happened to seminars and speeches? The U.S. Embassy in Cairo, specifically cultural attaché Michael Hankey and his team, "get it." In this time of uncertainty and change, they have developed an innovative program that delivers something young Egyptian women want: a platform to leverage their own voices.

After their active participation in the revolution, female voices have played a disappointingly small role in the current developments in Egyptian politics and society. Women comprise only 2% of the 508 seats in the Lower House of Parliament. Association with Suzanne Mubarak, who supported women's rights to some degree, further has smeared the cause. But women in Egypt have no intention of remaining silent. Public figures such as presidential candidate Bothaina Kamel and actress Tayseer Fahmy continue to speak out for representation of women in the Constitutional Assembly and other aspects of government, and the well-attended march on International Women's Day showed the broad-based backing for these demands.

Against this backdrop, it is not surprising that many of the "Sing Egyptian Women" contestants referenced Egypt's future in a recent standing room only concert in Cairo. Teenaged Maggie Fekry voiced a common sentiment when she dedicated her song, Patti LaBelle's "There's a Winner in You" to the people in Egypt who may be feeling "a bit down right now," applying the song's title to the people of Egypt. Noha Alaa's rousing version of Mariah Carey's "Hero" echoed this theme, and ended the night on a high note, but it was Dina El Wadidi's rendition of Sayyed Darwish's anthem to Egypt's 1919 revolution ("Da Elly Sar") that really brought the house down.

Regardless of who wins the contest's prize of a trip to New York and the opportunity to record an original song with a top American musical talent, each of the finalists was transformed by the experience of performing before that packed hall, many of them singing in public for the first time. Contestants also thanked Embassy officials and others involved for the Contest's workshops in music (with Cairo's top opera singer), performance, communication, and leadership, the effects of which were visible on stage.

But the most lasting effect of the contest may be the strong network between the contestants. In a few short weeks, the young women have gone from strangers to close, supportive friends. With each successive round of elimination, those who don't make the cut support the remaining finalists online and in person. That the 16 finalists have become the talk of the town in Cairo, and have given many repeat performances after that success of their first concert has only strengthened the bonds between the young women.

This contest has also facilitated phenomenal growth in the Embassy's Facebook presence. After the contest launched, its followers increased by over forty thousand people. In just one week of voting, the contest generated more than 60,000 visits and over 111,000 views, over 8,000 votes, and over 5,000 comments.

Judging by the response at the sold out concert, and subsequently online, anti-Americanism, which currently runs high in Egypt, does not interfere with "Sing Egyptian Women." In fact, in this time of transition, elevating Egyptian voices arguably accomplishes more than the traditional business of cultural diplomacy -- showcasing American performers and thinkers.

An American Idol-style contest in Egypt (and elsewhere in the Middle East) makes sense now for another reason: it is a meritocracy. In a country where connections grease advances in work, school, and society, a merit-based contest, with the winner selected by voting offers a small taste of the social justice sought by the revolution.

In their introductory remarks, the "Sing Egyptian Women" contestants envisioned their roles in the future of their country, providing a reminder of the "voices of the Revolution" that have been overshadowed by the Islamists' political gains and the NGO crisis.

Yet the youth activists are still as committed as ever, and, just as is true of the contestants in "Sing Egyptian Women," they don't fall into one category. Some wear hijab; some don't. Some support Islamist parties or candidates; some don't. But they all have been irrevocably changed by the revolution.

Ask the youth still fighting for basic freedoms and justice, in the face of brutality from police and security forces, what the ongoing revolution signifies to them, and you will hear answers like "Now I know what it means to be an Egyptian. Before I only wanted to leave Egypt. Now I want to stay and rebuild it." But the past year has sobered the youth, too. "I am fighting for my grandchildren," said 21-year-old Noha Redwan. I may not see the changes we seek, but, eventually, they will."

Washington was taken by surprise by the Egyptian revolution because policy experts focused too much on Mubarak and his government, and too little on the "voice of the people." The same mistake risks repetition, only now the focus is on the SCAF (Supreme Council of Allied Forces) and the Muslim Brotherhood leadership.

Good to know that in Cairo, at least, embassy officials are not only listening to the "voice of the people," but also, with the help of an innovative private company (Share the Mic), are creating a platform for empowering Egyptian voices.

Authors

Cynthia P. Schneider

Publication: The Huffington Post

Cultural Diplomacy for the 21st Century: Empowering Local Voices

Cynthia P. Schneider — Wed, 22 Feb 2012 00:00:00 -0500

Political scientist Milton Cummings's classic definition of cultural diplomacy — "the exchange of ideas, information, values, systems, traditions, beliefs, and other aspects of culture, with the intention of fostering mutual understanding" — needs an update that reflects new "best practices" in today's world of 24/7 communication and social media. While exchanges always will have an important role in diplomacy — think of the incalculable value added of the Fulbright program — empowering local voices, stories, and viewpoints also is proving increasingly effective.

Independent Media in Afghanistan

Let me give an example: ask anyone in the State Department what is working in Afghanistan, and chances are they will say "the independent media." Moby Media with its television division Tolo TV has captured the majority of the viewing public, but Afghanistan boasts more than twenty independent television and radio channels. U.S. aid helped launch Moby and other independent outlets, and continues to support them.

In a country rife with corruption, the independent media holds government accountable by inviting listeners to report malfeasance by their officials. Investigative reporting and even a Daily Show equivalent further expose corruption and incompetence.

Moby Media's runaway success has been the American Idol spinoff Afghan Star, now in its seventh season. Not only has this program re-introduced Afghan music to the country, but it also has provided a leadership platform for women and minorities through its inherently meritocratic system. In a country where connections or a bribe often are required to advance, Afghan Star stands out. Anyone can try out; public voting on cell phones selects the winners.

Egyptian Women Take the Stage in the "Sing Egyptian Women, Sing" Contest

Now an American Idol-inspired musical contest is providing a platform for Egyptian women to display their talent, and share ideas about the future of their country. This innovative public-private partnership was developed by Mike Hankey, cultural attaché at the U.S. Embassy Cairo, and Kevin Patrick, CEO of Share the Mic, a company that matches nonprofit causes with emerging artists to the mutual benefit of both, and organizes "voluntourism" tours of musical groups to the Middle East. For the "Sing Egyptian Women, Let the World Hear You" contest, the U.S. Embassy held tryouts in several locations in Egypt, and also invited online submissions. Judges (of which I am one) narrowed the selections to 40 before opening up the online voting. Through February 23rd. anyone can listen and cast a vote through the website.

Why would the U.S. Embassy devote time and energy to a musical talent contest in Egypt? The absence of female voices since the Egyptian Revolution presents a serious problem; this contest provides an incentive and a means for women to reach the public and express their ideas. In addition to singing, each contestant prepares answers to questions about Egypt's future. Finalists participate in leadership and communications training, as well as music workshops. Best of all, the winner—chosen by public voting—earns an all-expenses paid trip to New York, where she (and her relative or friend) will stay at the Plaza. In New York, the winner will write and record a song about Egypt's future with an American celebrity. The new song—in Arabic and English—will be released in Egypt and America, where it will help to introduce the new Egypt to the United States.

This first iteration is a pilot. With private sponsorship, the program could expand to other countries in the Middle East, as well as take place annually in Egypt.

Parazit: The Daily Show in Iran

Voice of America hosts many programs that "empower local voices." Among them, Parazit is the funniest—and most subversive. Inspired by The Daily Show, this satirical critique of Iranian politics captivates audiences in Iran and the diaspora. The Iranian government tries to block it on television and the internet, but still the show attracts a large and loyal following

For an unforgettable, moving experience of cultural diplomacy in action, see the guest appearance of the Parazit creators Kambiz Hosseini and Saman Arbabi on The Daily Show. In the mutual admiration session, Hosseini and Arbabi attribute Parazit to Jon Stewart's inspiration, and declare him to be "the prophet." (Stewart wonders if that will "get him in trouble.") To his credit Jon Stewart recognized the courage of Hosseini and Arbabi in taking on the regime. As Saman Arbabi commented on a panel at the Writers' Guild East in New York, "Jon Stewart's writers face deadlines; we face death threats."

In his Huffington Post article (January 5, 2012) proposing "A Strategy for Cultural Diplomacy," Philip Seib advocates "an intellectual containment strategy" for "troublesome states like Iran and Venezuela," but Saman Arbabi has another approach. Arbabi is organizing a global art and advocacy project against government Internet censorship worldwide. Through both net-roots and grassroots advocacy, he seeks to enlist support that can open up Iranian cyberspace to ensure that the Iranian authorities cannot impose their own "containment strategy" on the population. Arbabi will launch his project at this year's South by Southwest festival.

The most successful cultural diplomacy strategy integrates people to people or arts/culture/media to people interactions into the basic business of diplomacy. The programs in Afghanistan, Egypt, and Iran all contribute to core goals of U.S. policy in those countries. Each succeeds by empowering local voices, rather than by conveying ideas through American emissaries.

Authors

Cynthia P. Schneider

Publication: The Huffington Post

Image Source: © Omar Sobhani / Reuters

Hard Power Trumps Soft In U.S. Policy Towards Egypt

Cynthia P. Schneider — Fri, 23 Dec 2011 00:00:00 -0500

"But as the fall of Hosni Mubarak in Egypt made clear, the enduring cooperation we seek will be difficult to sustain without democratic legitimacy and public consent. We cannot have one set of policies to advance security in the here-and-now and another to promote democracy in a long run that never quite arrives." Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, National Democratic Institute, November 7, 2011.

On Monday Secretary of State Hillary Clinton excoriated Egypt's military junta for its violence towards protesters, particularly women, in the "Second Revolution", but the military forces have continued throughout the week to attack protesters and to fire live ammunition at them.

In a speech at Georgetown University on December 19th, the Secretary stated, "This systematic degradation of Egyptian women dishonors the revolution, disgraces the state and its uniform, and is not worthy of a great people."

Until the United States backs up its words with actions, it will appear to Egyptians, and the world, that it is choosing short-term security with the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF) over long term support for human rights, civil society, and a just society with a government answerable to the people.

The U.S. has leverage in Egypt $1.3 billion in aid annually to the Egyptian military. Until now, the Obama administration has been unwilling to restrict or condition this support, despite requests to do so from some members of Congress.

No wonder, then, that the SCAF was unfazed by the President Obama's statement, released at three a.m. on November 25th, calling for a "full transfer of power to a civilian government" in a "just and inclusive manner."

Neither the president's vague support for civilian authority, nor the Secretary's condemnation of the military's assaults on female protesters have made an impact in Egypt, where the United States is judged by its actions, not words. (And since President Obama's vaunted Cairo Speech of June 2009, they have become accustomed to words that are not backed by actions.)

One week ago I walked the then-peaceful streets near Tahrir where over 17 people have been killed since last Friday. On the morning of December 17th, the military began its assault on the small number of unarmed protesters staging a sit in before Parliament, demanding the ouster of the SCAF.

Over the next week the military staged repeated attacks, bludgeoning protesters, firing live ammunition from the streets and from sniper's vantage points on rooftops. Even as the SCAF tried to pin the aggression on the protesters, the many videos of the dead and wounded, as well as the shocking images of the military ganging up on defenseless protesters, including women, provide irrefutable evidence of their violence against their own people.

The historic women's march on Tuesday belied the SCAF-supported narrative defining the protesters as a leftist fringe that did not represent the Egyptian people. Thousands of women of all ages, of all walks of life, veiled and unveiled, marched together in defense of their dignity and their basic human rights.

Today Tahrir is full again, and protesters are turning out in Alexandria (largest numbers since January) and other cities, in the march "to regain Egypt's honor." The liberal and youth parties all have pledged to join, as have sheikhs and scholars from al-Azhar, Egypt's leading religious institution. They will be mourning the death of Sheikh Emad Effat, a leading Al-Azhar official killed by the military in the protests this week.

The Muslim Brotherhood, lately favored with a visit by Senate Foreign Relations Chair John Kerry and a positive article by Nicholas Kristof, officially have not endorsed the protests, although individual members, and particularly Brotherhood youth are joining.

Urging members to boycott the protests, the Salafis have gone so far as to condemn female protesters, including the now famous "blue bra " woman so viciously assaulted, for their participation in the marches.

Chants from the protesters are calling mainly for accountability for the military's crimes against humanity, demanding that Tantawi and the SCAF face prosecution.

As the United States leads with gestures such as the pledge of $10,000 to victims of violence during the protests, (notwithstanding the irony of U.S. manufactured tear gas inflicting some of the wounds), Egyptians wonder why the US, specifically President Obama, will not take a stronger stand against the SCAF.

The apparent timidity of the US government is all the more astonishing given the SCAF's campaign against "foreign interference" -- apparently $1.3 billion from the U.S. is exempt -- of which the U.S. is often a target. The strategy runs the gamut from insinuations to outrageous claims of U.S.-backed plots to destabilize Egypt.

The "soft power", i.e., the power to lead by example, of the U.S. has reached an all-time low in Egypt. Female Presidential candidate Bothaina Kamel recently declined a nomination for the annual Women of Courage award at the State Department. The coordinator of Kamel's campaign Amr al-Ansary, stated that she "cannot accept an award stained with the blood of the martyrs", explaining that the US government, the donor of the award, "participated, even if indirectly, in the crackdown on the revolution, importing weapons that were used on Egyptian protesters."

The mounting chaos surrounding the withdrawals of U.S. troops from Afghanistan and Iraq provides daily reminders of the limits of "hard power." As the Arab world transitions -- sometimes smoothly, sometimes not -- from dictatorships to representative governments, the "soft power" of the United States as an example is more important than ever before. Yet, it is in painfully short supply.

In using only words against the SCAF's aggression and violation of human rights (12,000 political prisoners in military courts, no accountability for the deaths since January), without the action of restricting military aid, the United States appears to be choosing the short term "hard power" and security of the "stability" provided by the SCAF over the long term interests of dignity, justice, democracy. and human rights for the Egyptian people.

There is still time, indeed a precious opportunity, to redeem the promise of the president's and secretary's words. But without action, they will remain just words, and Egyptian people will continue to associate the United States with the weapons pouring down on them.

Authors

Cynthia P. Schneider

Publication: The Huffington Post

Image Source: © Amr Dalsh / Reuters

Egypt's Elections Can't Be Trusted

Khaled Abol Naga and Cynthia P. Schneider — Mon, 28 Nov 2011 00:00:00 -0500

"The people and the army are one hand," the chant of Egypt's January 25th revolution on the eve of President Hosni Mubarak's resignation, has yielded in the face of toxic gases, rubber bullets and live ammunition from the security forces, composed of army and police, to "the army and the police are one dirty hand."

The trust and gratitude the Egyptian people once felt toward the military for their solidarity in ousting Mubarak has evaporated as the brutality of the army and police has caused scores of deaths and thousands of injuries.

Not only tear gas and rubber bullets, but also toxic gases—which cause seizures and reportedly led to several deaths by asphyxiation—and live ammunition have been aimed at the protesters. Tweets from all over Egypt reveal the shock at this criminal behavior. One said, "I am out of words. Egyptian army is murdering Egyptian civilians. That's our worst living nightmare."

Read the full article »

Authors

Khaled Abol Naga
Cynthia P. Schneider

Publication: CNN.com

The Gospel of Sufism in Post-Revolutionary Egypt

Cynthia P. Schneider — Fri, 16 Sep 2011 18:58:00 -0400

"I want to help build a bridge to the Middle East that won't break." -- Kevin Patrick, CEO, Share the Mic

"You do not love America! If you loved America, you would send me singers!" Entesar Abd El Fatth, director of El-Ghouri Center for Musical Heritage and Cairo's International Sufi Festival, shouted at a bewildered Michael Hankey, American cultural attaché at the U.S. Embassy, Cairo. Fluent in Arabic and well-connected in Egypt, Hankey eventually understood El Fatth's adverse reaction to the American jazz/fusion group he had proposed for the Sufi Festival.

For the past 20 years El Fatth had asked the American Embassy to send a gospel group to Cairo, with no success. Now that he had the perfect venue -- the Sufi Festival -- and an able and willing partner in Mr. Hankey, he was determined not to miss the opportunity.

Luckily, Hankey was working with Share the Mic, a multi-service company that pairs performing artists and humanitarian causes in strategic partnerships that benefit both. With less than two weeks before the opening of the Festival, he called Kevin Patrick, CEO of Share the Mic, with the request to cancel plans and plane tickets, and find a different group for Cairo. Patrick quickly recruited the New York-based gospel group Voices of Inspiration (VOI) to take their first trip ever to the Middle East.

Fast forward to Aug. 17, when the three singers of VOI led musicians from seven Muslim majority countries, including Egypt, Pakistan and Indonesia, in a rousing chorus of "Oh, Happy Day!" in perfect harmony with Sufi chants. It did not matter that Alana Alexander, Danielle Lewis and John Garner had no familiarity with Sufism. They shared with the other musicians the celebration of spirituality through music.

When I surveyed the Festival audience of young revolutionaries, elderly couples, Egyptians and Arabs of all ages -- covered and uncovered -- I saw smiles all around. Musical director El Fatth, who by then was calling the American singers "my family," had the biggest smile of all. His Festival theme -- "cultural dialogue among nations" -- had come alive. And the first American invitees ever to the Cairo Sufi Festival had fit in perfectly with the other musicians, language barriers notwithstanding, adding infectious energy and joy to the concerts.

At their final performance, Director of Foreign Cultural Relations at the Culture Ministry Hossam Nassar, who had co-hosted Voices of Inspiration with the American Embassy, invited the Americans forward, and calling the singers "voices from heaven," offered public thanks and presented each person with a poster of the Sufi Festival with "USA" and an image of the American flag printed on it. In a climate of strong anti-Americanism, how can such a positive and public response to something American be explained?

First, music truly is a universal language, but its full potential to bridge differences is rarely realized. The seeds for the success of Voices of Inspiration's Cairo tour were sown when cultural attaché Michael Hankey and his partner Kevin Patrick of Share the Mic listened to and respected the wishes of their Egyptian hosts. Secondly, notwithstanding the fearful predictions of families and friends, the Voices of Inspiration arrived in post-revolutionary Egypt with open hearts and minds. As they later learned, their fellow musicians were astonished by the "Americans'" willingness to interact and jam.

"No surprise to me. It's something that naturally happens amongst musicians. I was, however, surprised by the warmth and love showered upon us by the Egyptian people. My perspective will never again be the same." Alana speaks for the group, who already have begun working on an original gospel song about bridging cultural differences, to be translated into Arabic. All proceeds from the song will go to the Health and Hope Oasis, the children's cancer hospital they visited in Cairo, bringing children to their feet clapping and dancing in spite of their IVs and inspiring the hospital workers to ululate to the music.

One child at the hospital asked the inevitable question, "Are you coming back?" Thanks to Share the Mic's innovative formula of performance with service to form lasting bridges between cultures, the answer is "Yes!" Voices of Inspiration, who support cancer prevention in the U.S., have committed to supporting the hospital, and Entessar El Fatth already has invited them back to Egypt.

An added bonus was the late night jam sessions with the Pakistani musicians participating in the Sufi Festival. Gospel met qawwali in mutual admiration singing and talking sessions that lasted until dawn. VOI now also has been invited to Pakistan.

Cultural exchange is all about changing perceptions. VOI were nervous about visiting Egypt, and the artists with whom they performed had preconceived ideas about Americans. All stereotypes were shattered by the exuberant performances in the el-Ghouri mosque courtyard.

For Egyptians, rebuilding their country the Festival contained a deeper message. On opening night, musicians from New Delhi to New York sang the familiar Sufi chant (in Arabic), "Jesus is a prophet, Mohammed is a prophet, Moses is a prophet." El Fatth added a closing line full of meaning at this historic moment, "Egypt is one family." At a time when extremism threatens to undermine Egypt's multi-ethnic unity, Sufism, which permeates society at all levels, offers a message of peace and tolerance.

Authors

Cynthia P. Schneider

Publication: The Huffington Post

Pakistanis Want a Better Future, Just Like Us

Aakif Ahmad and Cynthia P. Schneider — Wed, 18 May 2011 00:00:00 -0400

As Americans try to decipher where the Pakistan government, military and intelligence services stand in the fight against extremists, ordinary Pakistanis are busy trying to make their country a better place. In many cases they do his in spite of, or, to put it more kindly, in lieu of their bureaucracy.

But how could the average American know that Pakistan has an incredibly vibrant civil society? Our news is wall-to-wall Pakistan, but search for something about daily life (outside the neighborhood of Osama bin Laden's compound) and you will come up emptyhanded.

Some polls say about 68 percent of Americans and Pakistanis distrust the other. The way Americans and Pakistanis view one another today will not change on its own. But change it must, because the third and sixth most populous countries in the world have significant strategic and demographic reasons to build a constructive long-term partnership.

"When we say we hate America, it is never the people." This is how a student from LUMS (Lahore University of Management Sciences, an elite American-style university) opened a recent conversation in Lahore. He and other people we met had no trouble distinguishing between government policies and the people of a country.

In February, at the height of the controversy surrounding Raymond Davis, the CIA contractor who shot two Pakistanis during what he asserted was a robbery, we traveled to Lahore with 15 other Americans in various fields seeking Pakistani partners to develop civil society initiatives that would add value on both sides. Over three days we argued, laughed, listened and learned.

By the end of the meeting, participants had conceived more than a dozen partnership ideas, including a web-based "sister-schools" program between sixth, seventh and eighth graders, several collaborations among colleges and universities, and initiatives in farming, dairy, irrigation and "sister-cities."

With plans to meet five more times in the next three years, this "U.S.-Pakistan Leaders Forum" will seek to develop cooperation in areas such as entrepreneurship, women's empowerment, health, social services, energy, trade, media, culture and governance.

Despite the prevailing winds of anti-Americanism, Pakistani leaders in business, nonprofits, education, agriculture, media and technology felt the partnership building we sought was long overdue, and urgently needed. Many Pakistanis recall an era of constructive civil society relationships with the United States, and want to build new ones.

Among our Pakistani counterparts there was a consensus that corruption had become institutionalized at all levels of Pakistan's government. Their response? To take up the slack, and develop civil society solutions.

Before Egyptian youth were cleaning up Tahrir Square, the Pakistani youth organization Zimmedar Shehri (Responsible Citizen) was galvanizing citizens of Lahore to take responsibility for the cleanliness of their historic city and clean up the garbage in the streets.

Private citizens and organizations are trying to compensate for the dire state of education in Pakistan. According to one participant, as many as 30 percent of Pakistani children have no school to attend, while another 30% go to public schools that don't have books, where buildings are falling apart and teachers hardly ever show up.

Pakistan's solution will sound familiar to Americans: charter schools, or privately run schools that are open to the public. Take for example, Seema Aziz, co-founder of the Bareeze clothing line and retail chain. She not only provides and raises funds for education, but also runs an organization that manages more than 200 schools supporting 150,000 kids.

Another group, the Citizen's Foundation, operates schools that accommodate 100,000 students in urban slums and rural Pakistan. These leaders speak passionately about every child deserving a quality education, and like many of their counterparts, both Aziz and the Citizen's Foundation have a strong focus on creating educational opportunity for girls.

Our American colleagues were impressed with the creativity, entrepreneurship and can-do attitude of the Pakistanis they met. From the conference table to the local farm, school and village shop, values Americans hold dear were on display in Pakistani society.

As long as the Pakistani government is beset by corruption and the threat of extremism, it cannot be expected to serve as the best partner for U.S. aid, private or public. But there are so many other options, and there are hopeful signs that the Pakistani population is open and receptive to American initiatives that add value.

Just ask anyone from Pakistan what music they listen to, and chances are that they will answer "Coke Studio." Coca-Cola sponsors a popular television series that records innovative mixes of traditional and pop music. According to one Pakistani we met, "Coke helps keep music alive in Pakistan."

Let's not confuse Pakistan's population of 180 million with the government or military. Not only do the Pakistani people want the same things we do -- education, economic opportunity, justice, rule of law -- but they are working hard, often in the private sphere, to achieve them. They are ready for partnerships; let's meet them halfway.

Authors

Aakif Ahmad
Cynthia P. Schneider

Publication: CNN.com

Image Source: © Akhtar Soomro / Reuters

2011 U.S.-Islamic World Forum

Tue, 12 Apr 2011 09:00:00 -0400

Event Information

April 12-14, 2011

Washington
DC

On April 12-14, 2011, the Government of Qatar, the Brookings Institution and the Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World hosted the eighth annual U.S.-Islamic World Forum, convening for the first time in Washington, D.C. at this critical moment in Middle Eastern political history.

The U.S.-Islamic World Forum is a platform for dialogue at the highest level featuring leading U.S. and Muslim public officials, business leaders, scholars, journalists and commentators. Long seen as the world’s premier policy event for leaders with stakes in the global Muslim community, the Forum has a history of fostering unique, positive relationships between policymakers, business, cultural and religious leaders from across the Muslim World and the United States.

This year’s discussions focused on the rapid, turbulent change in the Middle East and implications for Muslims around the world.

There were five plenary sessions on topics such as civil society, the Libyan crisis, and the media.
Watch videos and read more about the plenaries »

Ten rountables held discussions on the Middle East peace process, the role of youth in the Arab Spring, Afghanistan-Pakistan relations, and many other issues.
Watch videos and read more about the roundtables »

Five working groups were convened to discuss and recommend action on issues in U.S. relations with the Islamic world, which were summarized in a paper published by the Brookings Institution. They are as follows:

Muslim-Majority and Muslim-Minority Communities in a Global Context
Humera Khan, Executive Director, Muflehun
Imam Mohamed Magid, President, Islamic Society of North America

Disconnected Narratives Between the United States and Global Muslim Communities
Ambassador Marc Ginsberg, Senior Vice President, APCO Worldwide
Anne Hagood, Managing Editor, The Layalina Review and The Chronicle, Layalina Productions

Higher Education Reform in the Arab World
Katherine Wilkins, Vice President for Communications, AMIDEAST

Building Capacity and Developing Leadership among American Muslims and Their Organizations
Brie Loskota, Managing Director, Center for Religion and Civic Culture, University of Southern California
Nadia Roumani, Co-Founder and Director, American Muslim Civic Leadership Institute, University of Southern California

The Role of Entrepreneurship and Job Creation in U.S.-Muslim Relations
Ahmed Younis, Senior Analyst, Gallup Center for Muslim Studies, and Director of Strategic Partnerships and Communications, Silatech
Mohamed Younis, Senior Analyst, Gallup Center for Muslim Studies

Forum Highlights:

Remarks by U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton » (state.gov)

U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton speaks at the 2011 U.S.-Islamic World Forum in Washington, D.C.

Qatari Minister of State for Foreign Affairs Ahmad Bin Abdullah Al-Mahmoud, and Secretary General of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu.

Time Magazine Editor and CNN host Fareed Zakaria moderates a panel with former U.S. National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski, Jordanian Minister of Foreign Affairs Nasser Judeh, Senior Foreign Policy Advisor to the Prime Minister of Turkey Ibrahim Kalin, and U.S. Senator John Kerry.

(images courtesy of Paul Morse)

Video

Event Materials

A New Arab World Is Coming, with or without the United States

Nadia Oweidat and Cynthia P. Schneider — Mon, 28 Feb 2011 00:00:00 -0500

The young Arab women and men of Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, Libya and Yemen have proved that they are willing to die to build a better future. They yearn for freedom, opportunity and democracy. It is doubtful they will accept anything less.

It may take time and it may get messy, but in the words of one of the Tahrir Square organizers, "The new great awakening is unfolding across the Arab world."

What will this new world look like in five to 10 years if the vision articulated in protests, blogs, posts and tweets becomes reality?

First, after decades of brutal repression and lack of accountability, governments in the Arab world will be responsible and responsive to their people. They will foster individual freedoms, religious and ethnic diversity, enable economic growth and uphold fair judicial processes.

Read the full article »

Authors

Nadia Oweidat
Cynthia P. Schneider

Publication: CNN.com

Why Washington Was Blindsided by Egypt's Cry for Freedom

Nadia Oweidat and Cynthia P. Schneider — Fri, 11 Feb 2011 00:00:00 -0500

The only surprise about the Egyptian revolution is that it took so long.

Demonstrations have been increasing in the past few years, despite the brutality of the regime, and with them deep distrust and hatred for President Hosni Mubarak and his government.

The Egyptian regime, as well as Washington, underestimated the impact of events such as the murder of the young businessman Khaled Sa'id, who was pulled out of a café in Alexandria in June 2010, beaten by the police, and then left dead on the street. If they had visited the Arabic Facebook page started by Wael Ghonim, "We Are All Kaled Sa'id," they might have realized that it was only a matter of when, and not if, the uprising would begin.

The profound discontent, frustration and humiliation of the Egyptian people also resonates in recent literature and films, such as "The Yacoubian Building" by Alaa al Aswany. Chronicling the corruption, unemployment and poverty that plagues Egyptian society, the film was a candidate for an Academy Award in 2008. For years blogs -- in English and in Arabic -- have decried the abuses of the government, and the hopelessness of life in Egypt for even well educated youth.

Read the full article at CNN.com »

Authors

Nadia Oweidat
Cynthia P. Schneider

Publication: CNN.com

In Shanghai, the United States Pavilion as a Corporate Theme Park

Cynthia P. Schneider — Mon, 07 Jun 2010 00:00:00 -0400

Let’s begin with the positive: the United States is present at the World Expo in Shanghai. The Secretary of State deserves praise for making this possible, by launching an eleventh hour fundraising drive, after the previous administration had done virtually nothing (besides rejecting a proposal that included Frank Gehry as architect). The Chinese cared enough about the U.S. presence to have contributed both public and private funds to guarantee that the United States showed up for Expo Shanghai 2010.

In this age of globalization and social networking, a World Expo might seem a quaint throwback to a bygone era. But for many countries, including, notably, China, it offers a global platform to present strengths and salient characteristics to the world. For example, Japan, known for its technology, powers its “green” pavilion partly from the footsteps of visitors who are treated to violin-playing robots, a single-person prototype car by Toyota, as well as a historical exhibition on Japan’s envoys to China. In its pavilion, Indonesia highlights cultural diversity; the United Arab Emirates emphasizes sustainability, a key focus of the country, with a recyclable dune shaped pavilion. Almost without exception the pavilions dazzle with innovative architecture, and with unusual shapes, colors, and lighting, as in the case of the United Kingdom’s pavilion-- a futuristic display of 60,000 transparent fiberglass rods with different seeds enclosed at the ends, designed by British artist Thomas Heatherwick.

So far, the Secretary of State’s comment, “It’s fine,” seems to be the highest praise the U.S. Pavilion, with all the design brilliance of a suburban shopping mall, has garnered. In the only positive article we could find, besides the one written by the Secretary General of the Pavilion himself, one of the 160 Chinese speaking “student ambassadors”—a brilliant idea — notes the smiling responses of Chinese visitors to the welcome messages — in Chinese — from famous Americans ranging from Kobe Bryant to President Obama. But the student ambassador Dan Redford also observes that the USA Pavilion lacks anything about “our history, our education system, or our role in global affairs… American democracy, or elements of our past and present that have come to define us as Americans.”

If all that is missing, what on earth could the content of the Pavilion be? The main event appears to be a “4-D” film about a girl working with her neighbors to make a vacant city lot into a garden, a theme evidently considered in keeping with the Expo’s theme, “Better Cities, Better Life.” The ambiguous location has been identified by some as China; at any rate, it is not recognizable as America. But no matter, because the film really is all about the special effects—shaking seats, real mist, — “a sense of immersion for our visitors,” according to the Pavilion’s website. If this sounds eerily like Disney World, you are right. One of the two people responsible for the design and content of the Pavilion is Nick Winslow, a special effects professional and theme park advisor (the other was Ellen Eliasoph, a partner in the Beijing branch of a leading American law firm).

Others have delved into the murky background of how these two private citizens with little relevant background or expertise were given free rein to determine the design and content of the Pavilion. We have a question that has not been asked to date: why did the State Department not apply the tried and true approach to corporate sponsorship that museums and performing arts companies have used for years, namely that the fundraisers fundraise, the corporate sponsors sponsor, and the experts execute? When a corporation sponsors a museum exhibition, they do not curate it. When a private funder underwrites a dance, play, or opera, they do not select and perform the work in question. When a government funds an exhibition at the Venice Biennale, the grants officer does not curate it. In each case, a curator/choreographer/artistic producer is hired to make the artistic and cultural decisions. If corporations act as curators and artistic directors as well as funders, it can hardly come as a surprise that the result is… well, corporate.

“A supply storage shed,” “a temporary NASA administrative building,” a “combination Bose Sound System/Air Purifier,” are some of the choice descriptions of the USA Pavilion, designed by Canadian architect Clive Grout. Canadian architect? Were there no architects in the U.S. up to the task? The only explanation we could find is that Grout is a “long-time associate of Winslow.”

Similarly, how could the U.S., arguably the global leader in film, be represented by a “4-D” extravaganza that would be at home at a theme park? If film was the chosen medium, why was a qualified curator not hired to do the programming? There are plenty of curators and experts who could have assembled moving, thrilling, and thought-provoking film selections. Who knows, films that actually touch upon some of the key characteristics of American society and history might have been included. Instead, at a cost of US $23 million the U.S. offers a film on the greening of an unidentifiable location, plus a short with leading Americans—and corporate representatives—talking about how they have added to the well-being of their communities. How to explain this mystery? Once again, it helps to be a friend of Nick Winslow, as was Bob Rogers, CEO of BRC Imagination Arts, the firm hired to coordinate the Pavilion programming.

The sorry tale of no-bid contracts and cronyism is bad enough, but most regrettable, and baffling of all is the implicit decision made from the outset to relegate the design and content—the medium and the message—of the Pavilion to the private sector. It almost appears that the State Department does not take the power of cultural outreach and “soft power” seriously.

At this time of budget constraints, a public expenditure on a World Expo, even one in China, probably could not be justified (even though, it is the largest Expo ever, and will be seen by an estimated 75 million people, and countries such as Japan and Australia have spent $140 million and $75 million respectively on their pavilions). And while it might be a stretch to match the brilliance of past publicly funded exhibitions, notably Buckminster Fuller’s geodesic dome at the Montreal Expo of 1967, the lamentable form and content of the USA Pavilion could have been avoided if someone had taken this important opportunity for cultural outreach seriously. Creative products number among the U.S.’s top three exports; American architects, filmmakers, writers, artists, dancers, musicians, and actors are global leaders in their fields, yet none were enlisted. The varied dimensions of America’s story are examined in ways entirely consistent with the country that stands for freedom of speech in film, theater, visual arts and other forms of expression, and yet the USA Pavilion says nothing about what makes America unique.

The Pavilion in Shanghai is just the most visible example of the outsourcing of America’s outreach to the world. Northrop Grumman and Boeing no longer vie only for aerospace contracts; they also compete for “smart power” projects in areas from aid to “strategic communication.” To some degree this acknowledges budget realities. But it also reflects the continuing diminution of cultural outreach or “soft power” approaches within the State Department. Whether it was cynicism, other priorities, or an active dismissal of the importance of crafting a message for the Pavilion (beyond its mere existence) does not really matter. The result is $61 million dollars spent, and an opportunity lost.

If the U.S. does not take the power of cultural diplomacy and “soft power” seriously enough to invest time and money, there is one superpower that does: China.

Authors

Cynthia P. Schneider

Publication: The Center for Public Diplomacy, University of Southern California

Contested Identities in Pakistan: The Role of Culture and Civil Society

Fri, 09 Apr 2010 12:00:00 -0400

Event Information

April 9, 2010
12:00 PM - 2:00 PM EDT

Saul Room
The Brookings Institution
1775 Massachusetts Ave., NW
Washington, DC 20036

On April 9, the Saban Center at Brookings Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World hosted a panel discussion on the role of culture and civil society in Pakistan that focused on the work of Salman Ahmad, founder of Pakistan’s leading rock group, Junoon, UN Goodwill Ambassador, author, film maker, professor and proponent of the arts as a force for social change. A longtime advocate for equity and justice in Pakistan, Ahmad launched the discussion with a screening of his music video Ehtesaab (accountability) – still meaningful today – and for which Junoon was banned and received death threats in the 1990s. In the conversation that followed, participants grappled with questions about modernity and tradition, secularism and religion, moderation and extremism in Pakistan today. Questions were raised about how the U.S. government, and specifically the funds appropriated under the Kerry-Lugar bill, might best support civil society in Pakistan.

Nonresident Senior Fellow Cynthia P. Schneider, distinguished professor in the practice of diplomacy at Georgetown University, and coordinator of the Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World’s Arts and Culture Initiative, moderated the panel. In addition to Salman Ahmad, panelists included Jonah Blank, chief policy advisor for South Asia, Central Asia and Archipelagic Southeast Asia, Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, and Paula Newburg, Marshall B. Coyne director of the Institute for the Study of Diplomacy. After the program, panelists took audience questions.

Transcript

Transcript (.pdf)

Event Materials

0409_pakistan

Participants

Moderator

Panelists

Salman Ahmad

UN Goodwill Ambassador
Founder of Junoon (Pakistan’s leading rock group)

Jonah Blank

Chief Policy Advisor for South Asia, Central Asia and Archipelagic Southeast Asia, Senate Committee on Foreign Relations

Paula Newburg

Marshall B. Coyne Director of the Institute for the Study of Diplomacy

2010 U.S.-Islamic World Forum

Sat, 13 Feb 2010 09:00:00 -0500

Event Information

February 13-15, 2010

Qatar
Doha

With a video message from U.S. President Barack Obama and an address from U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, the Project on U.S. Relations with the Islamic World at Brookings and the Government of Qatar hosted the seventh annual U.S.-Islamic World Forum in Doha, Qatar, on February 13-15, 2010. Each year, the forum brings together leaders from across the Muslim world for dialogue with key U.S. officials and policymakers.

Among this year’s speakers and participants were prominent Muslim leaders and Obama Administration and other U.S. officials, including Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan; U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton; White House Senior Director for Global Engagement Pradeep Ramamurthy; U.S. Special Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan Richard Holbrooke; and U.S. Senator John Kerry, chairman, Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

Watch Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's remarks »

During the forum five plenary sessions took place on topics such as the Obama administration's policies towards the Muslim world, the future of U.S.-Muslim world relations, and shared challenges to ensuring regional stability.
Read more about the plenary sessions »

During the forum four working groups were convened, each discussing a different issue in U.S. relations with the Muslim world. After the forum, the recommendations and analysis produced by each group were published in papers by the conveners.

New Media to Further Global Engagement
al-Husein N. Madhany, Participant, 2010 U.S.-Islamic World Forum

The Role of Religious Leaders and Religious Communities in Diplomacy
Stephen R. Grand, Director, U.S. Relations with the Islamic World
Durriya Badani, Deputy Director, U.S. Relations with the Islamic World

Transformative Partnerships in U.S.-Muslim World Relations: Empowering Networks for Community Development and Social Change
Peter Mandaville, Co-Director, George Mason University Center for Global Studies

Scientific, Intellectual, and Governance Cooperation on Emerging Environmental Challenges in the Muslim World
David Michel, Senior Associate, The Stimson Center
Amit Pandya, Senior Associate and Director of the Regional Voices Transnational Challenges Project, The Stimson Center
Corey Sobel, Research Associate, The Stimson Center

Watch Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's remarks »

Watch President Barack Obama's video address announcing Rashad Hussain as his special envoy to the Organization of Islamic Cooperation:

Emir Sheikh Hamad Bin Khalifa Al-Thani of Qatar, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Brookings Institution President Strobe Talbott

Saban Center Director Ken Pollack with Ashraf Ghani

Martin Indyk and U.S. Senator John Kerry (D-MA)

(Photos by Ralph Alswang)

Event Materials

Intolerance and Censorship in the Arab World

Nadia Oweidat and Cynthia P. Schneider — Tue, 13 Oct 2009 12:00:00 -0400

"Where are the moderate voices from the Arab world?"

This common lament often leads to nostalgic evocations of the Golden Age of Islam, which stretched from the 7th to the 16th century. President Obama recently harked back to this period of Islamic enlightenment, innovation and tolerance in his Cairo speech, in which he attempted to redefine the relationship between Muslims and the United States.

Actually, there is no need to reach back 1,000 years to find Muslim advocates for tolerance and moderation. There is a need, however, to stop silencing the moderates alive today.

The Arab world is rich in literature – including a surge of new novels and non-fiction – that examines all aspects of Arab life and advocates a vision of a multi-cultural society that respects human rights. These works draw on the traditions of the medieval Golden Age, and of the Arab Renaissance of the 19th and early 20th centuries, when Cairo was to the Arab world what Paris was to the West.

Eight decades ago, the seminal scholar Rifa’i Al-Tahtawi, once head of Al Azhar (Obama’s host in Cairo and the equivalent of the Vatican for Sunni Muslims), advocated tolerance towards non-Muslims and engaged in vibrant debates with contemporary European intellectuals. In his 1830 book An Imam in Paris, he argued for an open, moderate version of Islam. At a time when Egypt offered only religious education, he also urged the state to make modern, secular education accessible to all citizens.

Such ideas were not restricted to Egypt. Writing at the turn of the 20th century, the pious Syrian scholar Abdul Rahman Al-Kawakibi urged the separation of mosque and state to protect the purity of Islam from political manipulation.

Today’s Arab authors also bravely delve into taboo subjects from the correct interpretation of Islam to women’s and minority rights, government corruption, extremism and political oppression. Some advocate a more tolerant version of Islam, one that has become increasingly marginalized. Why are these moderate voices not better known in the Middle East or the West? To begin with, they are banned in most of the Arab world. And it isn’t just governments censoring and persecuting them. Equally important are the self-appointed “thought police” who clamp down on ideas they deem too liberal.

In their quest for legitimacy, many other Arab governments have also institutionalized an interpretation of Islam that frowns upon critical thinking, enforces blind obedience to the ruler as an Islamic duty, and ruthlessly silences dissent. This has helped dictatorships across the region to last for decades with no hope for a genuine rotation of power.

The notorious case of Egyptian Islamic scholar Nasr Abu Zayd illustrates how governments collude with or ignore the intimidation of progressives by fundamentalists. Conservatives branded Abu Zayd a heretic for penning a moderate interpretation of the Koran and filed suit against him in a Cairo court. To the shock of Arabs who support a separation of church and state, the court supported the heresy charge and, in 1996, ordered Abu Zayd divorced from his wife. (Apostates are not allowed to be married to Muslim women.) The couple went into exile amid death threats.

In 2006, Egyptian police went from bookstore to bookstore confiscating copies of a book called The Modern Sheikhs and the Industry of Religious Extremism, which urges religious and government authorities to play a more positive role on such issues as the environment, corruption and women’s rights. They were acting at the behest of al-Azhar’s Islamic Research Center, which under Egyptian law, has the right to censor books and other cultural products.

Novels such as The Sacred Union, which exposes the lack of religious freedoms and women’s rights in Saudi Arabia, are banned in most of the Arab world. The author, a Saudi woman, wrote under a pseudonym to protect her safety.

Publishers as well are persecuted. Mummad Madbouli, the legendary owner of Madbouli Books in Cairo, has been one of the few who dared to publish and sell banned books. He has faced more than 25 lawsuits and was sentenced to eight years in prison. Due to Madbouli’s acclaim among the public and intellectuals alike, the prison sentence was never carried out.

Yet the popularity of books such as The Yacoubian Building by Egyptian author Alaa Al Aswany, now in its eighth reprinting, attest to a growing demand for works that are authentically Arab and not doctrinaire. Like the Nobel Prize winning novelist Naguib Mahfouz, Al Aswany candidly exposes social and political problems plaguing Egypt through stories about the lives of ordinary people – a refreshing departure from the "blame the West and Israel" bombast that Arab publics are typically served.

Still, with few exceptions, the works of these new Arab writers, as well as their predecessors from the last century, are not found in bookstores in the Middle East today. And the contributions of the Arab Renaissance are unknown to all but a tiny intellectual elite.

What is accessible are religious tracts, both historic and contemporary, from authors such Sayid Qutob, who is cited by Osama Bin Laden, and Yousif al-Qaradawi, an Egyptian cleric who has been banned from entering Britain due to his extremist views.

With a click of a mouse anyone can access entire libraries of jihadi texts available online for free. The banned books of moderates could find their way to Arab readers were they posted online, but they are nowhere to be found. Yet it is these writers, contemporary and renaissance, who offer Muslims a tolerant, open-minded alternative, anchored within their own traditions. And they offer the Obama administration the possibility of forging a genuine connection with Arab publics.

The administration aims to replace the advocacy of American values with a new focus on empowering local voices. Those policies, taking shape at the State Department under a new Undersecretary for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs, Judith A. McHale, former CEO of the Discovery Channel, represent a promising departure from the failed “spoon-fed democracy” approach that Admiral Mike Mullen rightly criticized recently.

If the U.S. government learns anything from the failure of the U.S.-funded al-Hurrah television station, it should be that foreign bureaucracies should not manufacture messages of democracy and tolerance to be broadcast at the Arab world. Such impulses need to come from within. They should be organic and authentic and free of government fingerprints.

What the United States and its allies can do, however, is help ensure that the voices of moderation are given a platform, equal to that given to fundamentalists such as al-Qaradawi. The Obama administration could start by condemning censorship and persecution of writers, and encouraging investments in education, literacy, libraries and broader Internet access. Non-governmental groups others could support the publication and dissemination of moderate Arab authors through universities and other institutions, such as the Library of Alexandria, which plans to re-issue the Arabic classics.

Westerners cannot and should not attempt to script Arab thought. But they can support a return to the standards of critical thinking and open inquiry that once characterized the Arab world.

Authors

Nadia Oweidat
Cynthia P. Schneider

Publication: Anderson Cooper 360 Blog